剑桥雅思15Test2Passage1阅读原文翻译Could urban engineers learn from dance舞蹈对城市交通设计的启示

剑桥雅思15阅读第二套题目第 一篇文章的主题为舞蹈对城市交通设计的启示。文章一共7段，大体可以分为三部分，分别介绍了城市交通出行的重要性，目前设计所存在问题，以及舞蹈所能够带来的启发。

剑桥雅思15 Test2 Passage1阅读原文翻译

段落A

The way we travel around cities has a major impact on whether they are sustainable.Transportation is estimated to account for 30%of energy consumption in most of the world’s most developed nations,so lowering the need for energy-using vehicles is essential for decreasing the environmental impact of mobility.But as more and more people move to cities,it is important to think about other kinds of sustainable travel too.The ways we travel affect our physical and mental health,our social lives,our access to work and culture,and the air we breathe.Engineers are tasked with changing how we travel round cities through urban design,but the engineering industry still works on the assumptions that led to the creation of the energy-consuming transport systems we have now:the emphasis placed solely on efficiency,speed,and quantitative data.We need radical changes,to make it healthier,more enjoyable,and less environmentally damaging to travel around cities.

我们在城市中的出行方式对城市的可持续性有着重大影响。据估计，在世界上大多数最为发达的国家中，交通运输占到能源消耗的30%，所以降低对耗能车辆的需求对于减轻出行的环境影响来说至关重要。但是，随着越来越多的人移居到城市，思考其他可持续的出行方式同样重要。我们的出行方式影响着我们的身心健康，社会生活，工作方式，文化体验，以及我们所呼吸的空气。工程师面临着通过城市设计改变我们出行方式的任务，然而工程行业仍然基于之前的理念运转，而正是这些理念催生出我们如今所拥有的消耗能源的交通运输系统。其重点完全放在效率、速度以及量化数据上。我们需要彻底的改变，让城市内的出行变得更加健康，更加惬意，同时对环境的破坏更小。

段落B

Dance might hold some of the answers.That is not to suggest everyone should dance their way to work,however healthy and happy it might make us,but rather that the techniques used by choreographers to experiment with and design movement in dance could provide engineers with tools to stimulate new ideas in city-making.Richard Sennett,an influential urbanist and sociologist who has transformed ideas about the way cities are made,argues that urban design has suffered from a separation between mind and body since the introduction of the architectural blueprint.

舞蹈也许能提供部分答案。这并不是说每个人应该跳着舞去上班–无论这样能让我们多么健康快乐–而是说编舞者在实验和设计舞蹈动作中所使用的技术能够为工程师提供激发城市设计新想法的工具。Richard Sennett，一位颇具影响力的城市学者和社会学家，改变了城市建造方式的相关理念。他认为自从引入设计蓝图以来，城市设计就一直饱受思想与身体分离的痛苦。

段落C

Whereas medieval builders improvised and adapted construction through their intimate knowledge of materials and personal experience of the conditions on a site,building designs are now conceived and stored in media technologies that detach the designer from the physical and social realities they are creating.While the design practices created by these new technologies are essential for managing the technical complexity of the modern city,they have the drawback of simplifying reality in the process.

中世纪的建筑师通过他们对材料的亲密认知和对建筑地点各方面条件的私人体验来即兴创作或者修改建筑设计，而如今的建筑设计则利用多媒体技术进行构想和存储，将设计师从他们正在创作的物理与社会现实中分割开来。虽然这些新技术所带来的设计方法对于管理现代城市的技术难题而言十分必要，但它们在此过程中却存在着简化事实的缺陷。

段落D

To illustrate,Sennett discusses the Peachtree Center in Atlanta,USA,a development typical of the modernist approach to urban planning prevalent in the 1970s.Peachtree created a grid of streets and towers intended as a new pedestrian-friendly downtown for Atlanta.According to Sennett,this failed because its designers had invested too much faith in computer-aided design to tell them how it would operate.They failed to take into account that purpose-built street cafes could not operate in the hot sun without the protective awnings common in older buildings,and would need energy-consuming air conditioning instead,or that its giant car park would feel so unwelcoming that it would put people off getting out of their cars.What seems entirely predictable and controllable on screen has unexpected results when translated into reality.

为了说明这一问题，Sennett探讨了美国亚特兰大市的Peachtree Center。它是20世纪70年代流行的现代主义城市设计方法所催生出来的典型作品。Peachtree创造出由街道和高楼构成的网格，想要为亚特兰大打造一个崭新的对行人友好的市中心。根据Sennett的说法，这一方案失败的原因在于，它的设计者们过于相信计算机辅助软件所告诉他们的运行方式。他们没能考虑到，没有了老式建筑中十分常见的遮阳蓬的保护，刻意建造在街边的咖啡店无法在灼热的阳光下正常运营，必须得有消耗能源的空调系统才可以。他们也没能考虑到，巨大的停车场让人感到如此不方便，以至于人们甚至不愿意下车。屏幕上看起来似乎完全可预料、可控制的东西，一旦变为现实就会产生出人意料的结果。

段落E

The same is true in transport engineering,which uses models to predict and shape the way people move through the city.Again,these models are necessary,but they are built on specific world views in which certain forms of efficiency and safety are considered and other experiences of the city ignored.Designs that seem logical in models appear counter-intuitive in the actual experience of their users.The guard rails that will be familiar to anyone who has attempted to cross a British road,for example,were an engineering solution to pedestrian safety based on models that prioritise the smooth flow of traffic.On wide major roads,they often guide pedestrians to specific crossing points and slow down their progress across the road by using staggered access points to divide the crossing into two–one for each carriageway.In doing so they make crossings feel longer,introducing psychological barriers greatly impacting those that are the least mobile,and encouraging others to make dangerous crossings to get around the guard rails.These barriers don’t just make it harder to cross the road:they divide communities and decrease opportunities for healthy transport.As a result,many are now being removed,causing disruption,cost,and waste.

同样的问题也出现在交通工程中。它使用模型来预测并塑造人们在城市中的出行方式。重申一下，这些模型是必要的，但它们所基于的世界观会考虑特定形式的效率与安全，并忽视城市生活中的其他体验。模型中看似符合逻辑的设计会在使用者的实际体验中显得反直觉。例如，安全护栏对于任何想要横穿英国道路的人来说都很熟悉。它作为行人安全的工程解决方案，却是建立在优先车辆顺畅流动的模型之上。在主干道上，它们往往引导行人前往特定的过马路地点，并使用错开的入口将路径一分为二来减缓过马路的过程–一次只过一条车道。这样的设计使得过马路的过程显得更加漫长，给那些不方便移动的人带来极大的心理障碍，并鼓励其他人绕开这些安全护栏进行危险的穿越。这些障碍不仅仅使得过马路更加困难。它们还将不同人群分割开来，降低健康出行的机会。其结果是，许多护栏如今已被拆除，造成干扰、支出和浪费。

段落F

If their designers had had the tools to think with their bodies–like dancers–and imagine how these barriers would feel,there might have been a better solution.In order to bring about fundamental changes to the ways we use our cities,engineering will need to develop a richer understanding of why people move in certain ways,and how this movement affects them.Choreography may not seem an obvious choice for tackling this problem.Yet it shares with engineering the aim of designing patterns of movement within limitations of space.It is an art form developed almost entirely by trying out ideas with the body,and gaining instant feedback on how the results feel.Choreographers have deep understanding of the psychological,aesthetic,and physical implications of different ways of moving.

如果它们的设计者采用身体力行的思考方式–就如舞蹈者一样–去想象这些障碍感受如何，那么可能就会有更好的解决方案。为了给我们使用城市的方式带来彻底的改变，工程学需要更加深入地理解人们为什么以特定的方式出行，以及这种出行方式如何影响他们。舞蹈动作设计也许看起来并不像是解决这一问题的明显选择，但它跟工程学有着相同的目标：在有限的空间内设计移动模式。这种艺术形式几乎完全依靠身体来尝试各种理念，并通过对结果的感受获取即时反馈。编舞者对不同移动方式在心理、审美和物理上的含义有着深刻的理解。

段落G

Observing the choreographer Wayne McGregor,cognitive scientist David Kirsh described how he‘thinks with the body’.Kirsh argues that by using the body to simulate outcomes,McGregor is able to imagine solutions that would not be possible using purely abstract thought.This kind of physical knowledge is valued in many areas of expertise,but currently has no place in formal engineering design processes.A suggested method for transport engineers is to improvise design solutions and get instant feedback about how they would work from their own experience of them,or model designs at full scale in the way choreographers experiment with groups of dancers.Above all,perhaps,they might learn to design for emotional as well as functional effects.

通过观察编舞家Wayne McGregor，认知科学家David Kirsh描述前者是如何“利用身体进行思考的”。Kirsh认为，通过利用身体模拟结果，Mcgregor能够想象出利用抽象思维所无法得到的解决方案。这种肢体上的知识在许多专业领域都受到高度重视，但在如今的正式工程设计中却没有一席之地。建议交通工程师使用如下方法：即兴给出设计方案，然后利用自己的亲身经历获取有关它们如何运行的即时反馈，或者像编舞人员使用一群舞蹈者进行实验一样，全方位地对设计方案进行模拟。或许最重要的是，他们可能学会如何在设计中既考虑到功能性效果，也照顾到情绪感受。

剑桥雅思15Test1Passage3阅读原文翻译What is exploration探索是什么

剑桥雅思15阅读第 一套题目第三篇文章的主题为探索的定义。文章一共7段，分别介绍探索是人类的本性之一，如今人们关于探索者的看法，不同人物对探索的定义，世界上仍然有许多等待探索的东西，以及作者本人对探索的想法等。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思15 Test1 Passage3阅读原文翻译

第1段

We are all explorers.Our desire to discover,and then share that new-found knowledge,is part of what makes us human一indeed,this has played an important part in our success as a species.Long before the first caveman slumped down beside the fire and grunted news that there were plenty of wildebeest over yonder,our ancestors had learnt the value of sending out scouts to investigate the unknown.This questing nature of ours undoubtedly helped our species spread around the globe,just as it nowadays no doubt helps the last nomadic Penan maintain their existence in the depleted forests of Borneo,and a visitor negotiate the subways of New York.

我们都是探索者。我们对发现以及随后分享新发现知识的渴望是我们之所以成为人类的部分原因–确实，这一特质在我们作为一个物种所取得的成功中扮演着重要角色。早在第 一个洞穴人卧倒在篝火旁，嘟囔地说着那边有很多野兽的消息之前，我们的祖先已经了解到派遣侦查员探索未知区域的价值。我们这一探索追寻的本质无疑帮助我们的族群在全球扩散开来，正如它仍然毫无疑问地帮助着最后一只Penan游牧部落在Borneo荒芜的森林中维持生存，以及一名游客在纽约地铁中摸索方向。

第2段

Over the years,we’ve come to think of explorers as a peculiar breed–different from the rest of us,different from those of us who are merely‘well travelled’,even;and perhaps there is a type of person more suited to seeking out the new,a type of caveman more inclined to risk venturing out.That,however,doesn’t take away from the fact that we all have this enquiring instinct,even today;and that in all sorts of professions一whether artist,marine biologist or astronomer一borders of the unknown are being tested each day.

最近几年，我们将探索者看成一种独特的物种–与我们其他人不同，甚至与我们之中那些仅仅是去过许多地方的人不同。或许有一类人更适合探索新鲜事物，有一类洞穴人更加倾向于冒险外出。然而，即便是现在，这也并未改变我们都有这一探索追寻的本能的事实。在所有职业中–无论是艺术家、生物学家还是天文学家–未知的边界每天都在经受测试。

第3段

Thomas Hardy set some of his novels in Egdon Heath,a fictional area of uncultivated land,and used the landscape to suggest the desires and fears of his characters.He is delving into matters we all recognise because they are common to humanity.This is surely an act of exploration,and into a world as remote as the author chooses.Explorer and travel writer Peter Fleming talks of the moment when the explorer returns to the existence he has left behind with his loved ones.The traveller‘who has for weeks or months seen himself only as a puny and irrelevant alien crawling laboriously over a country in which he has no roots and no background,suddenly encounters his other self,a relatively solid figure,with a place in the minds of certain people’.

Thomas Hardy将其小说的背景设定在Egdon Heath，一块尚未开发的虚构疆域，并且利用风景暗示其人物的渴望与恐惧。他所挖掘的事物我们都能识别出来，因为它们是我们人类所共有的。这当然是一种探索行为，而且是对一个作者所选择的遥远世界的探索。探险家与旅行作家Peter Fleming谈到这样的时刻：探险家回到他之前与所爱的人一起抛之身后的存在。旅行者“在几周或几个月的时间里将自己看作是一个微不足道的、毫不相干的外乡人，费劲全力缓慢行走在一片他既没有根基也没有背景的异域大陆上，突然之间，他遇到另一个自我，一个相对更加坚固的身份，在特定人群的心中占有了一席之地”。

第4段

In this book about the exploration of the earth’s surface,I have confined myself to those whose travels were real and who also aimed at more than personal discovery.But that still left me with another problem:the word‘explorer’has become associated with a past era.We think back to a golden age,as if exploration peaked somehow in the 19th century一as if the process of discovery is now on the decline,though the truth is that we have named only one and a half million of this planet’s species,and there may be more than 10 million一and that’s not including bacteria.We have studied only 5 per cent of the species we know.We have scarcely mapped the ocean floors,and know even less about ourselves;we fully understand the workings of only 10 per cent of our brains.

在这本关于探索地球表面的书籍中，我将自己的目光限定在那些进行过真正的旅行，并且目标不仅仅是自我发现的人群身上。但这仍然给我造成另一个问题：“探索者”一词已经与过去的时代相关联。我们会回想某个黄金时代，好像探索莫名地在19世纪达到顶峰–好像发现的过程如今已在衰退，虽然事实是我们才仅仅命名了这座行星上150万个物种而已，而全部的物种可能超过1000万，并且这还不包括细菌。我们只研究了已知物种的5%。我们尚未绘制海洋底部的地图，对我们自身更是知之甚少;我们只对大脑10%的区域的工作原理有充分了解。

第5段

Here is how some of today’s‘explorers’define the word.Ran Fiennes,dubbed the‘greatest living explorer’,said,‘An explorer is someone who has done something that no human has done before–and also done something scientifically useful.’Chris Bonington,a leading mountaineer,felt exploration was to be found in the act of physically touching the unknown:‘You have to have gone somewhere new.’Then Robin Hanbury-Tenison,a campaigner on behalf of remote so-called‘tribal’peoples,said,‘A traveller simply records information about some far-off world,and reports back;but an explorer changes the world.’Wilfred Thesiger,who crossed Arabia’s Empty Quarter in 1946,and belongs to an era of unmechanised travel now lost to the rest of us,told me,‘If I’d gone across by camel when I could have gone by car,it would have been a stunt.’To him,exploration meant bringing back information from a remote place regardless of any great self-discovery.

如下是一些今天的“探索者”对这个词的定义。被称为“现存的最伟大的探索者”的Ran Fiennes说：“探索者是一位完成了之前没有人完成过的事情的人–并且这件事情也对科学有益”。Chris Bonington，一位顶 尖的登山专家，认为探索在于用实际行为触碰未知领域：“你必须得去一些全新的地方”。Robin Hanbury-Tenison，一位代表偏远地区所谓“部落”群体的活动家，说：“旅行者仅仅记录关于遥远世界的信息，然后报道回来;但探索者则会改变世界”。Wilfred Thesiger于1946年穿越阿拉伯的空域沙漠，属于那个我们已经无法触及的不借助机械设备出行的年代。他告诉我，“如果我在能够使用汽车的时候选择乘坐骆驼进行穿越，那么这一切就成了噱头”。对他而言，探索意味着将信息从遥远的地方带回来，至于任何探索者自身伟大的自我发现则无关紧要“。

第6段

Each definition is slightly different–and tends to reflect the field of endeavour of each pioneer.It was the same whoever I asked:the prominent historian would say exploration was a thing of the past,the cutting-edge scientist would say it was of the present.And so on.They each set their own particular criteria;the common factor in their approach being that they all had,unlike many of us who simply enjoy travel or discovering new things,both a very definite objective from the outset and also a desire to record their findings.

每种定义都稍有不同–并且倾向于反映每位先驱者各自付出努力的领域。无论我问的是谁，结果都一样：杰出的历史学家会说探索是过去的事情，前沿科学家会说探索是现在的事情。等等等等。他们每个人都设立了自己独特的标准。但他们的看法中有一个共同点：不像我们许多人那样只是享受旅行或者发现新鲜事物，他们所有人一开始都有着十分明确的目标，并且想要记录自己的发现。

第7段

I’d best declare my own bias.As a writer,I’m interested in the exploration of ideas.I’ve done a great many expeditions and each one was unique.I’ve lived for months alone with isolated groups of people all around the world,even two‘uncontacted tribes’.But none of these things is of the slightest interest to anyone unless,through my books,I’ve found a new slant,explored a new idea.Why?Because the world has moved on.The time has long passed for the great continental voyages–another walk to the poles,another crossing of the Empty Quarter.We know how the land surface of our planet lies;exploration of it is now down to the details一the habits of microbes,say,or the grazing behaviour of buffalo.Aside from the deep sea and deep underground,it’s the era of specialists.However,this is to disregard the role the human mind has in conveying remote places;and this is what interests me:how a fresh interpretation,even of a well-travelled route,can give its readers new insights.

我最好坦白一下我自己的偏颇。作为作家，我对探索观念很感兴趣。我进行过许多次考察，每一次都十分独特。我曾孤身一人和世界上与世隔绝的人群一起生活过几个月，其中甚至包括两个“从未与外界接触的部落”。但所有这些事情都无法引起其他人的丝毫兴趣，除非我通过自己的书籍找到新的切入点，探索新的观念。为什么?因为世界已经向前发展。伟大的洲际旅行的时光早已过去–比如再次徒步前往极地，比如再次穿过空域沙漠。我们知道地球表面是什么样子。对它的探索现在集中于细节–比如微生物的习性或者水牛的进食行为。除了深海和地底深处之外，如今已经是专业人员的时代。然而，这忽视了人类思想在传播遥远地域信息中的作用。而这也是我的兴趣所在：一种新的解释，甚至是一条熟悉的旅途，如何能赋予其读者全新的想法。

剑桥雅思15Test1Passage2阅读原文翻译driverless cars无人驾驶

剑桥雅思15阅读第 一套题目第二篇文章的主题为无人驾驶。文章一共7部分12自然段，分别介绍了自动驾驶出现的原因，它对社会各方面的影响，以及实施过程中可能会遇到的困难。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思15 Test1 Passage2阅读原文翻译

A部分

The automotive sector is well used to adapting to automation in manufacturing.The implementation of robotic car manufacture from the 1970s onwards led to significant cost savings and improvements in the reliability and flexibility of vehicle mass production.A new challenge to vehicle production is now on the horizon and,again,it comes from automation.However,this time it is not to do with the manufacturing process,but with the vehicles themselves.

汽车部门早就很好的适应了生产过程中的自动化。自20世纪70年代采用机器人制造汽车以来，汽车大规模生产成本大幅下降，并且可靠性与灵活性有所提升。现在，汽车生产又出现新的挑战，而且它仍然来自自动化。然而，这一次它与制造过程无关，而是关于汽车自身。

Research projects on vehicle automation are not new.Vehicles with limited self-driving capabilities have been around for more than 50 years,resulting in significant contributions towards driver assistance systems.But since Google announced in 2010 that it had been trialling self-driving cars on the streets of California,progress in this field has quickly gathered pace.

汽车自动化方面的研究项目并不是什么新鲜事。带有有限自动驾驶功能的汽车已经出现了50多年，为驾驶辅助系统做出重大贡献。但自从谷歌于2010年宣布，它正在加利福尼亚的街头测试自动驾驶汽车，该领域的进展速度明显加快。

B部分

There are many reasons why technology is advancing so fast.One frequently cited motive is safety;indeed,research at the UK’s Transport Research Laboratory has demonstrated that more than 90 percent of road collisions involve human error as a contributory factor,and it is the primary cause in the vast majority.Automation may help to reduce the incidence of this.

有很多原因可以解释为什么科技进步如此之快。一项经常被提及的动机是安全。确实，英国交通研究实验室的研究已经证明，90%以上的道路碰撞事故都涉及人为错误，而且它还是绝大多数事故的主要原因。自动化或许可以帮助减少此类事情的发生。

Another aim is to free the time people spend driving for other purposes.If the vehicle can do some or all of the driving,it may be possible to be productive,to socialise or simply to relax while automation systems have responsibility for safe control of the vehicle.If the vehicle can do the driving,those who are challenged by existing mobility models–such as older or disabled travellers–may be able to enjoy significantly greater travel autonomy.

另外一项目的是将人类用于驾驶的时间解放出来以投入其他目标。如果汽车能够进行部分或者所有的驾驶工作，那么在自动驾驶系统为安全操控负责时，人们就可以进行工作、社交或者仅仅是放松一下。如果汽车能够自动驾驶，那么那些受困于现有移动模式的人-比如老年人或者残疾人-就可以享受更大程度的出行自由。

C部分

Beyond these direct benefits,we can consider the wider implications for transport and society,and how manufacturing processes might need to respond as a result.At present,the average car spends more than 90 percent of its life parked.Automation means that initiatives for car-sharing become much more viable,particularly in urban areas with significant travel demand.If a significant proportion of the population choose to use shared automated vehicles,mobility demand can be met by far fewer vehicles.

除了这些直接的好处，我们还可以设想这一变革给交通和社会带来的更广泛的影响，以及制造过程可能因此需要做出怎样的应对。目前，平均一辆车有90%以上的时间都停泊不动。自动化意味着汽车共享的提议变得更加可行，尤其是在拥有大量出行需求的城市地区。如果大部分人口选择使用共享汽车，那么极少量汽车就可以满足移动需求。

D部分

The Massachusetts Institute of Technology investigated automated mobility in Singapore,finding that fewer than 30 percent of the vehicles currently used would be required if fully automated car sharing could be implemented.If this is the case,it might mean that we need to manufacture far fewer vehicles to meet demand.

麻省理工学院在新加坡研究自动化的出行方案，发现如果实行全自动汽车共享的话，只需要当前汽车使用量的不到30%即可。如果事实真的如此，这可能意味着我们只需要生产远少于现在的汽车就能够满足需求。

However,the number of trips being taken would probably increase,partly because empty vehicles would have to be moved from one customer to the next.

然而，旅程次数可能会有所上升，部分原因在于空置车辆需要从一位顾客前往下一位顾客那里。

Modelling work by the University of Michigan Transportation Research Institute suggests automated vehicles might reduce vehicle ownership by 43 percent,but that vehicles’average annual mileage would double as a result.As a consequence,each vehicle would be used more intensively,and might need replacing sooner.This faster rate of turnover may mean that vehicle production will not necessarily decrease.

密歇根大学交通研究院所搭建的模型显示，自动化汽车也许会将汽车保有量降低43%，但结果是汽车的平均年行驶里程会翻倍。这样一来，每辆车的使用会更加频繁，并需要更快的进行更换。这一更快的置换率可能意味着汽车生产未必会下降。

E部分

Automation may prompt other changes in vehicle manufacture.If we move to a model where consumers are tending not to own a single vehicle but to purchase access to a range of vehicles through a mobility provider,drivers will have the freedom to select one that best suits their needs for a particular journey,rather than making a compromise across all their requirements.

自动化可能会推动汽车制造领域的其他变化。如果我们切换成这样一种模式：消费者不再想要拥有自己的车辆，而是通过某个移动交通工具供应商购买一系列汽车的使用权，那么司机将可以自由选择最能满足他们特定旅程需要的汽车，而不是通盘考虑所有需求进行妥协。

Since,for most of the time,most of the seats in most cars are unoccupied,this may boost production of a smaller,more efficient range of vehicles that suit the needs of individuals.Specialised vehicles may then be available for exceptional journeys,such as going on a family camping trip or helping a son or daughter move to university.

由于大部分汽车的大部分座位在大多数时间都是空置的，这可能会推动生产一系列更小、更加高效的车辆以满足个人需求。到那时可能会出现为独特旅程定制的车辆，如家庭野营之旅或者送子女去上大学。

F部分

There are a number of hurdles to overcome in delivering automated vehicles to our roads.These include the technical difficulties in ensuring that the vehicle works reliably in the infinite range of traffic,weather and road situations it might encounter;the regulatory challenges in understanding how liability and enforcement might change when drivers are no longer essential for vehicle operation;and the societal changes that may be required for communities to trust and accept automated vehicles as being a valuable part of the mobility landscape.

在自动化汽车上路之前，还有许多困难需要克服。它们包括确保汽车能够在各种可能遇到的交通、天气和道路状况下可靠行驶的技术困难;当司机不再是汽车运行的必要元素时，如何理解责任和义务相应变化的规则挑战，以及民众信任和接受自动化汽车作为出行图景中颇具价值的组成部分所需要的社会转变。

G部分

It’s clear that there are many challenges that need to be addressed but,through robust and targeted research,these can most probably be conquered within the next 10 years.Mobility will change in such potentially significant ways and in association with so many other technological developments,such as telepresence and virtual reality,that it is hard to make concrete predictions about the future.However,one thing is certain:change is coming,and the need to be flexible in response to this will be vital for those involved in manufacturing the vehicles that will deliver future mobility.

显然，仍然有许多挑战等待解决，但通过富有活力并且目标明确的研究，这些问题很有可能在接下来的10年里得以克服。出行方式将会发生意义深远的变化，再加上如此多的其他技术的发展(比如远程呈现以及虚拟现实)，我们很难对未来做出具体的预测。然而，有一点是肯定的：变化即将到来。在应对这一变化时保持灵活，对于那些牵扯到汽车制造，并为未来提供交通工具的各方团体来说至关重要。

剑桥雅思15Test1Passage1阅读原文翻译Nutmeg–a valuable spice肉豆蔻

剑桥雅思15阅读第 一套题目第 一篇文章的主题为肉豆蔻垄断地位的更迭。文章一共7段，一开始先说明肉豆蔻的产地、外形与特点，然后按照时间顺序分别介绍阿拉伯人、葡萄牙人、荷兰人、西班牙人对肉豆蔻贸易的垄断，最后解释这种垄断是如何被打破的。下面是具体每一段的原文翻译。

剑桥雅思15 Test1 Passage1阅读原文翻译

第1段

The nutmeg tree,Myristica fragrans,is a large evergreen tree native to Southeast Asia.Until the late 18th century,it only grew in one place in the world:a small group of islands in the Banda Sea,part of the Moluccas–or Spice Islands–in northeastern Indonesia.The tree is thickly branched with dense foliage of tough,dark green oval leaves,and produces small,yellow,bell-shaped flowers and pale yellow pear-shaped fruits.The fruit is encased in a fleshy husk.When the fruit is ripe,this husk splits into two halves along a ridge running the length of the fruit.Inside is a purple-brown shiny seed,2-3 cm long by about 2cm across,surrounded by a lacy red or crimson covering called an‘aril’.These are the sources of the two spices nutmeg and mace,the former being produced from the dried seed and the latter from the aril.

肉豆蔻树，也被称作Myristica fragrans，是一种东南亚本土的大型常绿树木。直到18世纪末，它在世界上都只生长于一个地方：印度尼西亚东北部班达海域的小型群岛，即马鲁古群岛或香料群岛的一部分。这种树木枝干繁密，覆盖着厚厚一层坚硬的墨绿色椭圆形树叶，开出小小的、黄色的铃铛形花朵，并结出浅黄色的梨形果实。果实被包裹在肉质外壳里。当果实成熟时，外壳会沿着果实较长一边的凸起分成两半。里面是一颗紫褐色的光洁种子，长2到3厘米，宽约2厘米，包裹着一层被称为“子衣”的红色或者深红色外皮。这些正是肉豆蔻和肉豆蔻种衣这两种香料的来源。前者产自干燥后的种子，而后者则产自子衣。

第2段

Nutmeg was a highly prized and costly ingredient in European cuisine in the Middle Ages,and was used as a flavouring,medicinal,and preservative agent.Throughout this period,the Arabs were the exclusive importers of the spice to Europe.They sold nutmeg for high prices to merchants based in Venice,but they never revealed the exact location of the source of this extremely valuable commodity.The Arab-Venetian dominance of the trade finally ended in 1512,when the Portuguese reached the Banda Islands and began exploiting its precious resources.

中世纪时，肉豆蔻是欧洲饮食中一种备受珍视、价格昂贵的原料，被当作调味料、药品和防腐剂使用。在这一时期，阿拉伯人是将这种香料带到欧洲的唯 一进口商。他们将肉豆蔻高价卖给驻扎在威尼斯的商人，但从来都没有透漏过这一价值极高的商品的准确来源。阿拉伯人和威尼斯人对该贸易的垄断最终于1512年结束。当时，葡萄牙人抵达班达群岛并开始开发其宝贵的资源。

第3段

Always in danger of competition from neighbouring Spain,the Portuguese began subcontracting their spice distribution to Dutch traders.Profits began to flow into the Netherlands,and the Dutch commercial fleet swiftly grew into one of the largest in the world.The Dutch quietly gained control of most of the shipping and trading of spices in Northern Europe.Then,in 1580,Portugal fell under Spanish rule,and by the end of the 16th century the Dutch found themselves locked out of the market.As prices for pepper,nutmeg,and other spices soared across Europe,they decided to fight back.

一直处于邻国西班牙的竞争威胁之下，葡萄牙人开始将香料的经销分包给荷兰商人。利润开始流向荷兰，荷兰商用舰队很快成长为世界上最 大的舰队之一。荷兰人悄悄控制了欧洲北部大部分香料的运输和贸易。随后，1580年，葡萄牙陷入西班牙的统治。到16世纪末期，荷兰人发现自己被隔绝在市场之外。由于欧洲各地胡椒、肉豆蔻和其他香料的价格急剧上涨，他们决定还击。

第4段

In 1602,Dutch merchants founded the VOC,a trading corporation better known as the Dutch East India Company.By 1617,the VOC was the richest commercial operation in the world.The company had 50,000 employees worldwide,with a private army of 30,000 men and a fleet of 200 ships.At the same time,thousands of people across Europe were dying of the plague,a highly contagious and deadly disease.Doctors were desperate for a way to stop the spread of this disease,and they decided nutmeg held the cure.Everybody wanted nutmeg,and many were willing to spare no expense to have it.Nutmeg bought for a few pennies in Indonesia could be sold for 68,000 times its original cost on the streets of London.The only problem was the short supply.And that’s where the Dutch found their opportunity.

1602年，荷兰商人成立了VOC贸易公司。它更广为人知的名字是荷兰东印度公司。到了1617年时，VOC已经是世界上最富有的商业机构。公司在全球范围内拥有50000名员工，还配备一只由30000人组成的私人军队和一支由200艘船只组成的舰队。同时，欧洲各地正有数千人死于瘟疫，一种具有极高传染性和致死率的疾病。医生迫切寻找一种能够阻止该疾病扩散的方法，而他们认为肉豆蔻中藏有解药。每个人都想要肉豆蔻，许多人愿意倾家荡产得到它。在印度尼西亚只用几便士就可以买到的肉豆蔻在伦敦街头可以被卖到初始价格的68000倍。唯 一的问题就是供应短缺，而荷兰人正是在这里找到了他们的机会。

第5段

The Banda Islands were ruled by local sultans who insisted on maintaining a neutral trading policy towards foreign powers.This allowed them to avoid the presence of Portuguese or Spanish troops on their soil,but it also left them unprotected from other invaders.In 1621,the Dutch arrived and took over.Once securely in control of the Bandas,the Dutch went to work protecting their new investment.They concentrated all nutmeg production into a few easily guarded areas,uprooting and destroying any trees outside the plantation zones.Anyone caught growing a nutmeg seedling or carrying seeds without the proper authority was severely punished.In addition,all exported nutmeg was covered with lime to make sure there was no chance a fertile seed which could be grown elsewhere would leave the islands.There was only one obstacle to Dutch domination.One of the Banda Islands,a sliver of land called Run,only 3 km long by less than 1 km wide,was under the control of the British.After decades of fighting for control of this tiny island,the Dutch and British arrived at a compromise settlement,the Treaty of Breda,in 1667.Intent on securing their hold over every nutmeg-producing island,the Dutch offered a trade:if the British would give them the island of Run,they would in turn give Britain a distant and much less valuable island in North America.The British agreed.That other island was Manhattan,which is how New Amsterdam became New York.The Dutch now had a monopoly over the nutmeg trade which would last for another century.

当时班达群岛处于本地苏丹人的统治之下。他们对外国势力秉持中立的贸易政策。这使得他们可以避免葡萄牙或西班牙军队踏上其土地，但这也让他们不受保护的暴露于其他入侵者面前。1621年，荷兰人来到这里，进行接管。牢牢控制住班达群岛之后，荷兰人立刻开始着手保护他们的最新投资。他们将所有的肉豆蔻生产集中在少数几个容易守卫的区域，将种植区外的树木连根拔起并摧毁。任何未经许可种植肉豆蔻幼苗或携带种子的人被发现之后都会受到严厉的惩罚。除此之外，所有出口的肉豆蔻都被撒上石灰，以确保离开岛屿的种子没有任何机会在其他地方生根发芽。荷兰人的统治只有一个障碍。班达群岛中一座被称为Run的狭长岛屿位于英国人的控制之下。它只有3公里长，不到1公里宽。在数十年为争夺该弹丸小岛控制权的斗争之后，荷兰人和英国人达成妥协，于1667年签订Breda协议。为了确保自己对每一个生长肉豆蔻岛屿的控制，荷兰人提出以下交易：如果英国人让出Run岛，那么他们会在遥远的北美给予英国人一座价值远不及Run岛的岛屿。英国人同意了。那个另外的岛屿是曼哈顿，新阿姆斯特丹就这样变成了纽约。荷兰人现在垄断了肉豆蔻贸易，这种垄断地位还会继续延续一个世纪。

第6段

Then,in 1770,a Frenchman named Pierre Poivre successfully smuggled nutmeg plants to safety in Mauritius,an island off the coast of Africa.Some of these were later exported to the Caribbean where they thrived,especially on the island of Grenada.Next,in 1778,a volcanic eruption in the Banda region caused a tsunami that wiped out half the nutmeg groves.Finally,in 1809,the British returned to Indonesia and seized the Banda Islands by force.They returned the islands to the Dutch in 1817,but not before transplanting hundreds of nutmeg seedlings to plantations in several locations across southern Asia.The Dutch nutmeg monopoly was over.

1770年，一名叫做Perre Poivre的法国人成功将肉豆蔻植株走私到毛里求斯的安全地带。那是一座位于非洲海岸线外的岛屿。其中一些随后被出口到加勒比地区。它们在那里茁壮成长，尤其是在格林纳达岛上。随后，1778年，班达地区的火山爆发引起海啸，毁掉了那里一半的肉豆蔻植株。最终，1809年，英国人回到印度尼西亚，用武力控制了班达群岛。他们在1817年将岛屿还给荷兰人，但在此之前已经将上百株肉豆蔻幼苗转移到了散布在东南亚的几个种植园中。荷兰人对肉豆蔻的垄断自此结束。

第7段

Today,nutmeg is grown in Indonesia,the Caribbean,India,Malaysia,Papua New Guinea and Sri Lanka,and world nutmeg production is estimated to average between 10,000 and 12,000 tonnes per year.

如今，肉豆蔻被广泛种植在印度尼西亚，加勒比，印度，马拉西亚，巴布亚新几内亚和斯里兰卡。每年全世界的肉豆蔻产量平均在10000吨到12000吨之间。

剑桥雅思14Test4Passage3阅读原文翻译Chelsea Rochman海洋废弃物

剑桥雅思14阅读第四套题目第三篇文章的主题为海洋废弃物研究。文章一共13段，分别介绍了Rochman的研究领域，他和同事们对现有文献的分析，以及这项文献研究的意义。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思14 Test4 Passage3阅读原文翻译

第1段

Chelsea Rochman,an ecologist at the University of California,Davis,has been trying to answer a dismal question:Is everything terrible,or are things just very,very bad?

加利福尼亚大学戴维斯分校的生态学家Chelsea Rochman一直在努力回答一个令人沮丧的问题：万事万物都很糟糕吗?还是事情仅仅是非常、非常坏而已?

第2段

Rochman is a member of the National Center for Ecological Analysis and Synthesis marine-debris working group,a collection of scientists who study,among other things,the growing problem of marine debris,also known as ocean trash.Plenty of studies have sounded alarm bells about the state of marine debris;in a recent paper published in the journal Ecology,Rochman and her colleagues set out to determine how many of those perceived risks are real.

Rochman是国家生态分析与整合中心海洋废弃物工作组的成员之一。组成该工作组的科学家们在众多问题之中研究海洋废弃物，也就是海洋垃圾日益增长的问题。大量研究对海洋垃圾的状态发出警报。在最近一篇发表于《生态学》杂志的论文中，Rochman和她的同事着手确定那些认知中的风险有多少是真实存在的。

第3段

Often,Rochman says,scientists will end a paper by speculating about the broader impacts of what they’ve found.For example,a study could show that certain seabirds eat plastic bags,and go on to warn that whole bird populations are at risk of dying out.‘But the truth was that nobody had yet tested those perceived threats,’Rochman says.‘There wasn’t a lot of information.’

Rochman说，科学家经常会在论文结尾推测他们所做发现的更广阔影响。例如，一项研究可能显示特定的海鸟会吃塑料袋，进而警告整个鸟群都存在灭绝的风险。“但事实是，没有人检测过那些认知中的威胁”，Rochman说，“这方面并没有很多的信息”。

第4段

Rochman and her colleagues examined more than a hundred papers on the impacts of marine debris that were published through 2013.Within each paper,they asked what threats scientists had studied-366 perceived threats in all–and what they’d actually found.

Rochman和她的同事检验了2013年全年发表的有关海洋垃圾影响的一百多篇论文。每篇文章中，他们探询科学家研究的威胁是什么–共有366种威胁被注意到–以及他们实际发现了什么。

第5段

In 83 percent of cases,the perceived dangers of ocean trash were proven true.In the remaining cases,the working group found the studies had weaknesses in design and content which affected the validity of their conclusions–they lacked a control group,for example,or used faulty statistics.

83%的案例中，海洋垃圾的潜在威胁被证明是真实存在的。在剩下的案例中，工作组发现这些研究的设计和内容存在缺陷，会影响结论的有效性。例如，它们缺乏控制组，或使用存在错误的统计数据。

第6段

Strikingly,Rochman says,only one well-designed study failed to find the effect it was looking for,an investigation of mussels ingesting microscopic plastic bits.The plastic moved from the mussels’stomachs to their bloodstreams,scientists found,and stayed there for weeks–but didn’t seem to stress out the shellfish.

Rochman说，令人震惊的是，只有一项设计良好的研究没能发现它想要发现的影响。它是一项有关贻贝摄入微小塑料片的调查。科学家发现，塑料从贻贝的胃部移动到血液中，并在那里停留数周的时间，但这似乎没有使该甲壳生物感到什么压力。

第7段

While mussels may be fine eating trash,though,the analysis also gave a clearer picture of the many ways that ocean debris is bothersome.

虽然贻贝吃垃圾可能没有什么问题，但分析还是明确指出海洋垃圾令人烦恼的许多方面。

第8段

Within the studies they looked at,most of the proven threats came from plastic debris,rather than other materials like metal or wood.Most of the dangers also involved large pieces of debris–animals getting entangled in trash,for example,or eating it and severely injuring themselves.

在他们检验的研究中，大多数被证实的威胁来自塑料废弃物，而不是诸如金属或者木头等其他材料。大部分危险同时也包括大件垃圾–例如，动物可能被垃圾缠住，或者误食之后给自己造成严重伤害。

第9段

But a lot of ocean debris is‘microplastic’,or pieces smaller than five millimeters.These may be ingredients used in cosmetics and toiletries,fibers shed by synthetic clothing in the wash,or eroded remnants of larger debris.Compared to the number of studies investigating large-scale debris,Rochman’s group found little research on the effects of these tiny bits.‘There are a lot of open questions still for microplastic,’Rochman says,though she notes that more papers on the subject have been published since 2013,the cutoff point for the group’s analysis.

但许多海洋垃圾都是微型塑料，或者小于5厘米的碎片。这些可能是化妆品或者洗漱用品的原料，合成衣物洗涤过程中脱落的纤维，或者更大一些垃圾被腐蚀之后的残留。Rochaman的团队发现，与调查大规模垃圾的研究数量相比，对这些微小垃圾影响的研究很少。“针对微小塑料，仍然有许多等待解答的问题”，Rochman说，尽管她注意到从2013年开始(其团队分析的截止点)，有更多关于该主题的论文被发表出来。

第10段

There are also,she adds,a lot of open questions about the ways that ocean debris can lead to sea-creature death.Many studies have looked at how plastic affects an individual animal,or that animal’s tissues or cells,rather than whole populations.And in the lab,scientists often use higher concentrations of plastic than what’s really in the ocean.None of that tells us how many birds or fish or sea turtles could die from plastic pollution–or how deaths in one species could affect that animal’s predators,or the rest of the ecosystem.

她补充到，在海洋垃圾如何导致海洋生物死亡方面也有许多等待回答的问题。许多研究关注塑料如何影响个体动物，或者该动物的组织或细胞，而不是整个群体。实验室中，科学家经常使用比海洋真实情况聚集程度更高的塑料。所有这些都不能告诉我们有多少鸟类、鱼类或者海龟死于塑料污染–或者某一物种的死亡如何影响该动物的捕食者，或者生态系统中的其他物种。

第11段

‘We need to be asking more ecologically relevant questions,’Rochman says.Usually,scientists don’t know exactly how disasters such as a tanker accidentally spilling its whole cargo of oil and polluting huge areas of the ocean will affect the environment until after they’ve happened.‘We don’t ask the right questions early enough,’she says.But if ecologists can understand how the slow-moving effect of ocean trash is damaging ecosystems,they might be able to prevent things from getting worse.

“我们需要提出更多与生态学相关的问题”，Rochman说。对于油轮意外泄露整船石油并污染大面积海洋这种灾难来说，科学家直到发生之后才能确切的知道它们对环境的影响。“我们没能及早提出正确的问题”，她说。但如果生态学家能够理解海洋垃圾的影响如何正在缓慢地破坏生态系统，他们可能能够阻止事情变得更坏。

第12段

Asking the right questions can help policy makers,and the public,figure out where to focus their attention.The problems that look or sound most dramatic may not be the best places to start.For example,the name of the‘Great Pacific Garbage Patch’–a collection of marine debris in the northern Pacific Ocean–might conjure up a vast,floating trash island.In reality though,much of the debris is tiny or below the surface;a person could sail through the area without seeing any trash at all.A Dutch group called‘The Ocean Cleanup’is currently working on plans to put mechanical devices in the Pacific Garbage Patch and similar areas to suck up plastic.But a recent paper used simulations to show that strategically positioning the cleanup devices closer to shore would more effectively reduce pollution over the long term.

提出正确的问题可以帮助政策制定者和公众弄清楚应该将自己的注意力放在哪里。看起来或者听起来最严重的问题可能并不是最 佳的着手指出。例如，“太平洋大垃圾带”这样的名字–太平洋北部的一批垃圾–可能让人想起巨大的、漂浮着的垃圾岛屿。但实际上，这些垃圾中的大部分都很微小或者位于海洋表面之下。一个人可以乘船穿过该区域而看不到任何垃圾。一个叫做“海洋清理”的荷兰团体目前正在制定计划。他们打算在太平洋垃圾带和类似的区域中放置机械装置以吸附塑料。但近期的一篇论文通过模拟表明，长期来看，有策略地将清洁装置放在靠近海岸的地方可以更加有效的减少污染。

第13段

‘I think clearing up some of these misperceptions is really important,’Rochman says.Among scientists as well as in the media,she says,‘A lot of the images about strandings and entanglement and all of that cause the perception that plastic debris is killing everything in the ocean.’Interrogating the existing scientific literature can help ecologists figure out which problems really need addressing,and which ones they’d be better off–like the mussels–absorbing and ignoring.

“我认为清理这些错误的认知十分重要”，Rochman说。在科学家和媒体之中，她说，“大量关于搁浅和被困的图片造成塑料垃圾正在杀死海洋中一些生物的看法”。审视现存的科学文献能够帮助生态学家搞明白哪些问题真的需要解决，而哪些问题(比如贻贝)他们最好了解和忽略。

剑桥雅思14Test4Passage2阅读原文翻译Why zoos are good动物园的好处

剑桥雅思14阅读第四套题目第二篇文章的主题为动物园的作用。文章采用说明文的形式，分别列举了动物园生存条件更好，对动物保护有利，可以让参观者更加了解动物，可以教育人们，有利于进行研究等好处。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思14 Test4 Passage2阅读原文翻译

段落A

In my view,it is perfectly possible for many species of animals living in zoos or wildlife parks to have a quality of life as high as,or higher than,in the wild.Animals in good zoos get a varied and high-quality diet with all the supplements required,and any illnesses they might have will be treated.Their movement might be somewhat restricted,but they have a safe environment in which to live,and they are spared bullying and social ostracism by others of their kind.They do not suffer from the threat or stress of predators,or the irritation and pain of parasites or injuries.The average captive animal will have a greater life expectancy compared with its wild counterpart,and will not die of drought,of starvation or in the jaws of a predator.A lot of very nasty things happen to truly‘wild’animals that simply don’t happen in good zoos,and to view a life that is‘free’as one that is automatically‘good’is,I think,an error.Furthermore,zoos serve several key purposes.

在我看来，许多生活在动物园或者野生动物园的动物完全有可能拥有跟生活在野外一样高、甚至更高的生活质量。优 秀动物园里，动物的饮食多样，品质上乘，包含所有他们需要的补充剂，并且它们可能染上的任何疾病都会得到治疗。它们的活动或许会在某种程度上受限，但他们拥有安全的生活环境，免受物种中其他个体的欺凌和排斥。它们不用承受捕食者的威胁和压力，也远离寄生虫或受伤带来的刺激和痛苦。与生活在野外的同伴相比，圈养动物的平均寿命更长，不会死于干旱、饥饿或者捕食者的嘴下。许多真正“野生”动物身上发生的痛苦的事情并不会出现在优 秀的动物园里。我认为，将“自由”的生活当作自然而然的“善”是种错误。此外，动物园还服务于几个关键目标。

段落B

Firstly,zoos aid conservation.Colossal numbers of species are becoming extinct across the world,and many more are increasingly threatened and therefore risk extinction.Moreover,some of these collapses have been sudden,dramatic and unexpected,or were simply discovered very late in the day.A species protected in captivity can be bred up to provide a reservoir population against a population crash or extinction in the wild.A good number of species only exist in captivity,with many of these living in zoos.Still more only exist in the wild because they have been reintroduced from zoos,or have wild populations that have been boosted by captive bred animals.Without these efforts there would be fewer species alive today.Although reintroduction successes are few and far between,the numbers are increasing,and the very fact that species have been saved or reintroduced as a result of captive breeding proves the value of such initiatives.

首先，动物园有利于动物保护。世界上大量的物种正在灭绝。更多的物种受到日益严重的威胁，并且因此面临着灭绝的风险。此外，一些灭绝发生的十分突然、剧烈并且出乎意料，或者只是到很晚的时候才被发现。圈养中受到保护的动物可以繁衍后代提供储备种群，以对抗野外中的数量骤降或者灭绝。许多物种都只存在于圈养状态，其中不少都生活在动物园里。更多的物种依然存在于野外只是因为它们从动物园里被放归回去，或者圈养繁育的动物提升了野生的数量。没有这些努力的话，如今现存的物种会更少。虽然放归成功的案例很少，但其数量正在增加。并且物种通过圈养哺育得到拯救或者被放归野外的事实本身就证明了这种措施的价值。

段落C

Zoos also provide education.Many children and adults,especially those in cities,will never see a wild animal beyond a fox or pigeon.While it is true that television documentaries are becoming ever more detailed and impressive,and many natural history specimens are on display in museums,there really is nothing to compare with seeing a living creature in the flesh,hearing it,smelling it,watching what it does and having the time to absorb details.That alone will bring a greater understanding and perspective to many,and hopefully give them a greater appreciation for wildlife,conservation efforts and how they can contribute.

动物园同样提供教育机会。许多孩子和成人，尤其是那些生活在城市里的，除了狐狸和鸽子之外根本见不到野生动物。虽然电视纪录片确实变得越来越细致、越来越令人赞叹，并且许多自然历史标本也在博物馆中展出，但没有任何东西能真正比得上看到活生生的动物，听到它的声音，闻到它的气味，观察它的动作，以及花时间了解细节。单单这样就能让许多人增进对它们的理解，并有希望让他们更加欣赏野生动物，知道为保护它们所做的努力，明白自己能够如何做出贡献。

段落D

In addition to this,there is also the education that can take place in zoos through signs,talks and presentations which directly communicate information to visitors about the animals they are seeing and their place in the world.This was an area where zoos used to be lacking,but they are now increasingly sophisticated in their communication and outreach work.Many zoos also work directly to educate conservation workers in other countries,or send their animal keepers abroad to contribute their knowledge and skills to those working in zoos and reserves,thereby helping to improve conditions and reintroductions all over the world.

除此之外，动物园还可以通过标识、谈话和讲演提供教育。这些方法可以直接向游客传递关于他们正在观赏的动物的信息，以及它们在世界上的位置。在这方面，动物园之前做的不够，但它们如今在沟通和推广上愈发精细。许多动物园也直接为其他国家的动物保护工作者提供培训，或者将它们的动物饲养员送到国外，用他们的知识和技能帮助正在那些动物园或者保护区里工作的人，从而帮助提升全世界的条件和放归工作。

段落E

Zoos also play a key role in research.If we are to save wild species and restore and repair ecosystems we need to know about how key species live,act and react.Being able to undertake research on animals in zoos where there is less risk and fewer variables means real changes can be effected on wild populations.Finding out about,for example,the oestrus cycle of an animal or its breeding rate helps us manage wild populations.Procedures such as capturing and moving at-risk or dangerous individuals are bolstered by knowledge gained in zoos about doses for anaesthetics,and by experience in handling and transporting animals.This can make a real difference to conservation efforts and to the reduction of human-animal conflicts,and can provide a knowledge base for helping with the increasing threats of habitat destruction and other problems.

动物园在研究方面也起着关键作用。如果我们打算拯救野生动物，重建和修复生态系统，我们需要知道关键物种如何生存、活动以及回应。能够在动物园这样一个风险较低，变量较少的地方对动物展开研究，意味着我们可以对野生族群产生真正的改变。例如，查明动物的发情周期或者它的繁殖率有助于我们管理野生族群的数量。诸如捕捉并转移处于风险之中或者存在危险的个体这样的操作，就通过在动物园获取的、关于麻醉剂量的知识，以及处理和运输动物的经验得到了改善。这真正改变了保护工作，减少了人类和动物之间的冲突，并为解决栖息地日益遭到破坏威胁以及其他问题提供了知识基础。

段落F

In conclusion,considering the many ongoing global threats to the environment,it is hard for me to see zoos as anything other than essential to the long-term survival of numerous species.They are vital not just in terms of protecting animals,but as a means of learning about them to aid those still in the wild,as well as educating and informing the general population about these animals and their world so that they can assist or at least accept the need to be more environmentally conscious.Without them,the world would be,and would increasingly become,a much poorer place.

总的来说，考虑到许多正在发生的全球性环境威胁，我认为动物园对于大量物种的长期生存至关重要。它们不仅在动物保护方面十分关键，而且也是了解它们以帮助那些仍然生活在野外的动物的一种方式。它们同时还可以教授大众关于这些动物和它们世界的知识，以便他们能够帮助、或者至少是接受需要更强的环境意识这一观念。如果没有它们的话，世界会变的越来越贫乏。

剑桥雅思14Test4Passage1阅读原文翻译the secret of staying young年轻的秘密

剑桥雅思14阅读第四套题目第三篇文章的主题为通过蚂蚁研究衰老现象。文章一共8段，一开始引入研究动物抗衰老性的意义，然后详细描述利用蚂蚁所进行的实验，最后说明实验所引发的疑问与猜想。下面是具体每段的翻译。

剑桥雅思14 Test4 Passage1阅读原文翻译

第1段

Pheidole dentata,a native ant of the south-eastern U.S.,isn’t immortal.But scientists have found that it doesn’t seem to show any signs of aging.Old worker ants can do everything just as well as the youngsters,and their brains appear just as sharp.‘We get a picture that these ants really don’t decline,’says Ysabel Giraldo,who studied the ants for her doctoral thesis at Boston University.

Pheidole dentata是美国东南部的一种本地蚂蚁，并非永生不死。但科学家发现它似乎不会展现出任何衰老的迹象。年迈的工蚁可以跟年幼的工蚁一样很好的完成所有的事情，而且它们的头脑也同样敏锐。“我们了解到，这些蚂蚁真的不会衰老”，Ysabel Giraldo说。她在波士顿大学所做的博士论文就是关于蚂蚁的。

第2段

Such age-defying feats are rare in the animal kingdom.Naked mole rats can live for almost 30 years and stay fit for nearly their entire lives.They can still reproduce even when old,and they never get cancer.But the vast majority of animals deteriorate with age just like people do.Like the naked mole rat,ants are social creatures that usually live in highly organised colonies.‘It’s this social complexity that makes P.dentata useful for studying aging in people,’says Giraldo,now at the California Institute of Technology.Humans are also highly social,a trait that has been connected to healthier aging.By contrast,most animal studies of aging use mice,worms or fruit flies,which all lead much more isolated lives.

这种抗衰老的能力在动物王国十分稀有。裸鼢鼠可以活将近30年的时间，并在一生中保持健康。他们甚至在年迈的时候依然可以繁殖，并且从来都不会得癌症。但是，绝大多数动物跟人类一样，会随着年龄增长而衰退。与裸鼢鼠类似，蚂蚁是社会型动物，通常生活在具有高度组织的种群中。“正是这种社会复杂性使得Pheidole dentata对研究人类老化十分有用”，加州理工学院的Giraldo说。人类同样是高度社会化的。这一特点与健康的老去紧密相关。相比之下，大多数研究老化的动物实验使用老鼠、蠕虫或者果蝇。所有这些动物的生活都更加孤立。

第3段

In the lab,P.dentata worker ants typically live for around 140 days.Giraldo focused on ants at four age ranges:20 to 22 days,45 to 47 days,95 to 97 days and 120 to 122 days.Unlike all previous studies,which only estimated how old the ants were,her work tracked the ants from the time the pupae became adults,so she knew their exact ages.Then she put them through a range of tests.

实验室中，P.dentata的工蚁一般可以存活140天左右。Giraldo将注意力放在四个年龄段的蚂蚁身上：20到22天，45到47天，95到97天，以及120-122天。与之前那些只评估蚂蚁年龄的研究不同，她从蛹变成成虫时就开始追踪这些蚂蚁，因此她知道他们的准确年龄。然后，她对他们进行了一系列的测试。

第4段

Giraldo watched how well the ants took care of the young of the colony,recording how often each ant attended to,carried and fed them.She compared how well 20-day-old and 95-day-old ants followed the telltale scent that the insects usually leave to mark a trail to food.She tested how ants responded to light and also measured how active they were by counting how often ants in a small dish walked across a line.And she experimented with how ants react to live prey:a tethered fruit fly.Giraldo expected the older ants to perform poorly in all these tasks.But the elderly insects were all good caretakers and trail-followers—the 95-day-old ants could track the scent even longer than their younger counterparts.They all responded to light well,and the older ants were more active.And when it came to reacting to prey,the older ants attacked the poor fruit fly just as aggressively as the young ones did,flaring their mandibles or pulling at the fly’s legs.

Giraldo观察蚂蚁照顾种群中年幼个体的好坏，记录每只蚂蚁照顾、转移和喂养它们的频率。她比较了20天大的蚂蚁和95天大的蚂蚁追踪气味的能力。昆虫一般使用这种气味来标记通往食物的路径。她测试了蚂蚁对光线的反应，并通过记录蚂蚁在小碟子中穿过某条线的频率来衡量他们的活跃程度。她还测试了蚂蚁对活着的猎物的反应：一只被拴着的果蝇。Giraldo预计年老的蚂蚁在所有这些任务中都会表现的更差。但年龄更大的昆虫在照顾幼虫和痕迹追踪方面做的都很好–95天的蚂蚁甚至能够比较为年幼的蚂蚁追踪更远距离的气味。它们对光线的反应都十分良好，并且年老的蚂蚁更加活跃。至于对猎物的反应，年老的蚂蚁在袭击可怜的果蝇方面跟年幼的蚂蚁一样富有侵略性，张开下颌骨或者撕扯果蝇的腿部。

第5段

Then Giraldo compared the brains of 20-day-old and 95-day-old ants,identifying any cells that were close to death.She saw no major differences with age,nor was there any difference in the location of the dying cells,showing that age didn’t seem to affect specific brain functions.Ants and other insects have structures in their brains called mushroom bodies,which are important for processing information,learning and memory.She also wanted to see if aging affects the density of synaptic complexes within these structures—regions where neurons come together.Again,the answer was no.What was more,the old ants didn’t experience any drop in the levels of either serotonin or dopamine—brain chemicals whose decline often coincides with aging.In humans,for example,a decrease in serotonin has been linked to Alzheimer’s disease.

随后，Giraldo比较了20天蚂蚁和95天蚂蚁的大脑，寻找任何接近死亡的细胞。她没有发现与年龄相关的巨大差异，正在死去的细胞的位置也没有什么区别。这说明年龄似乎没有影响具体的大脑功能。蚂蚁和其他昆虫的大脑中有被称为蕈形体的结构。该结构对于处理信息，学习和记忆都很重要。她同样希望知道老化是否影响这些结构中突触复合体的密度，即神经聚集的区域。答案同样是否定的。此外，老年蚂蚁在五羟色胺或多巴胺的水平上也没有任何下降。这两种大脑化学物质的下降通常伴随着衰老。例如，人类中，五羟色胺的下降与阿兹海默症有关。

第6段

‘This is the first time anyone has looked at both behavioral and neural changes in these ants so thoroughly,’says Giraldo,who recently published the findings in the Proceedings of the Royal Society B.Scientists have looked at some similar aspects in bees,but the results of recent bee studies were mixed—some studies showed age-related declines,which biologists call senescence,and others didn’t.‘For now,the study raises more questions than it answers,’Giraldo says,‘including how P.dentata stays in such good shape.’

“这是首 次有人如此彻底地观察这些蚂蚁行为和神经上的变化”，Giraldo说。她最近在Proceedings of the Royal Society B上发表了自己的发现。科学家也研究了蜜蜂中一些类似的方面，但最近蜜蜂研究的结果十分混杂：一些研究显示出与年龄相关的衰退，生物学家将其称之为senescence，而其他则没有。“目前来说，该研究所提出的问题比它解答的更多”，Giraldo说，“这其中就包括P.dentata如何保持这样良好的状态”。

第7段

Also,if the ants don’t deteriorate with age,why do they die at all?Out in the wild,the ants probably don’t live for a full 140 days thanks to predators,disease and just being in an environment that’s much harsher than the comforts of the lab.‘The lucky ants that do live into old age may suffer a steep decline just before dying,’Giraldo says,but she can’t say for sure because her study wasn’t designed to follow an ant’s final moments.

与此同时，如果蚂蚁不会随着年龄而衰退，那么它们为什么还会死去?在自然界中，由于捕食者、疾病、以及与实验室舒适条件相比要恶劣的多的环境，蚂蚁可能活不到140天。“这些确实活到老年时期的幸运蚂蚁可能会在死前经历急剧的衰退”，Giraldo说。但她并不能肯定，因为她的研究设计并没有追踪一只蚂蚁的临终时刻。

第8段

‘It will be important to extend these findings to other species of social insects,’says Gene E.Robinson,an entomologist at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.This ant might be unique,or it might represent a broader pattern among other social bugs with possible clues to the science of aging in larger animals.Either way,it seems that for these ants,age really doesn’t matter.

“将这些发现扩展到其他社会性昆虫十分重要”，伊利诺伊大学厄巴纳香槟分校的昆虫学家Gene E.Robinson说。这种蚂蚁可能是独特的。它也可能代表着其他社会性昆虫中一种更为广泛的模式，为大型动物中的老化研究提供可能存在的线索。无论如何，对于这些蚂蚁来说，年龄似乎真的无关紧要。

剑桥雅思14Test3Passage3阅读原文翻译The power of play玩耍的作用

剑桥雅思14阅读第三套题目第三篇文章的主题为游戏对儿童发展的作用。文章一共10段，大体可以分为三部分，分别介绍了游戏的重要性，人们对游戏定义的差异，以及引导式游戏的作用。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思14 Test3 Passage3阅读原文翻译

第1段

Virtually every child,the world over,plays.The drive to play is so intense that children will do so in any circumstances,for instance when they have no real toys,or when parents do not actively encourage the behavior.In the eyes of a young child,running,pretending,and building are fun.Researchers and educators know that these playful activities benefit the development of the whole child across social,cognitive,physical,and emotional domains.Indeed,play is such an instrumental component to healthy child development that the United Nations High Commission on Human Rights(1989)recognized play as a fundamental right of every child.

世界上几乎每个孩子都会玩耍嬉戏。玩耍的动力是如此强烈以至于孩子会在任何情况下这样做，即便他们没有真正的玩具，或者他们的父母并不主动鼓励这种行为。在小孩的眼里，奔跑、假扮和搭建都充满乐趣。研究者和教育家知道，这些玩耍活动对于孩子在社交、认知、身体和情感等领域的发展都有好处。事实上，玩耍对于孩子的健康发展是如此重要，以至于联合国人权高 级委员会(1989)认为玩耍是每个孩子的基本权利。

第2段

Yet,while experts continue to expound a powerful argument for the importance of play in children’s lives,the actual time children spend playing continues to decrease.Today,children play eight hours less each week than their counterparts did two decades ago(Elkind 2008).Under pressure of rising academic standards,play is being replaced by test preparation in kindergartens and grade schools,and parents who aim to give their preschoolers a leg up are led to believe that flashcards and educational‘toys’are the path to success.Our society has created a false dichotomy between play and learning.

然而，尽管专家不停地极力阐释玩耍在孩子生活中的重要性，但孩子实际用于玩耍的时间却在持续减少。如今，孩子每周用于玩耍的时间要比20年前少8个小时(Elkind 2008)。在不断提高的学业标准的压力之下，玩耍在幼儿园和小学正被准备考试所取代。那些希望助自己学龄前孩子一臂之力的家长们被引导相信，单词卡和具有教育意义的“玩具”才是通向成功的路径。我们的社会在玩耍与学习之间创造出一种错误的对立关系。

第3段

Through play,children learn to regulate their behavior,lay the foundations for later learning in science and mathematics,figure out the complex negotiations of social relationships,build a repertoire of creative problem-solving skills,and so much more.There is also an important role for adults in guiding children through playful learning opportunities.

通过玩耍，孩子学着管理自己的行为，为日后科学与数学方面的学习打下基础，学会处理社交关系中复杂的沟通，积累创造性解决问题的技能，并获取许多其他好处。通过游戏化的学习机会，成人同样在引导孩子方面扮演着重要角色。

第4段

Full consensus on a formal definition of play continues to elude the researchers and theorists who study it.Definitions range from discrete descriptions of various types of play such as physical,construction,language,or symbolic play(Miller&Almon 2009),to lists of broad criteria,based on observations and attitudes,that are meant to capture the essence of all play behaviors(e.g.Rubin et al.1983).

研究玩耍的学者和理论家仍然没能就玩耍的正式定义达成一致。这些定义从对各种游戏松散的描述，比如身体的，搭建的，语言的或者象征性的游戏(Miller&Almon 2009)，到基于观察与态度的一系列广泛标准。它们想要抓住所有玩耍行为的本质(如Rubin et al.1983)。

第5段

A majority of the contemporary definitions of play focus on several key criteria.The founder of the National Institute for Play,Stuart Brown,has described play as‘anything that spontaneously is done for its own sake’.More specifically,he says it‘appears purposeless,produces pleasure and joy,[and]leads one to the next stage of mastery’(as quoted in Tippett 2008).Similarly,Miller and Almon(2009)say that play includes‘activities that are freely chosen and directed by children and arise from intrinsic motivation’.Often,play is defined along a continuum as more or less playful using the following set of behavioral and dispositional criteria(e.g.Rubin et al.1983):

当代大多数关于玩耍的定义都聚焦于几个核心标准上。国家玩耍协会的创始人，Stuart Brown，将玩耍描述为“任何因其自身原因，自发性的行为”。更确切的说，他认为玩耍“似乎没有目的，产生快乐与愉悦，并通向自身掌控的下一阶段”(引用自Tippett 2008)。相似地，Miller与Almon(2009)认为玩耍包括“由孩子自由选择并进行的活动。这些活动源自他们自身内在的动力”。通常来说，玩耍根据下列行为与意向的标准，沿着按照好玩程度构成的连续体进行定义。

Play is pleasurable:Children must enjoy the activity or it is not play.It is intrinsically motivated:Children engage in play simply for the satisfaction the behavior itself brings.It has no extrinsically motivated function or goal.Play is process oriented:When children play,the means are more important than the ends.It is freely chosen,spontaneous and voluntary.If a child is pressured,they will likely not think of the activity as play.Play is actively engaged:Players must be physically and/or mentally involved in the activity.Play is non-literal.It involves make-believe.

玩耍是愉快的：孩子必须享受该活动，否则的话，它就不是玩耍。它受内在驱动：孩子进行玩耍仅仅是为了这种行为自身带来的满足感。它没有外部驱动的作用或者目标。玩耍是过程导向的：当孩子玩耍时，方式比结果更重要。它是自由选择的、自发的、并且是自愿的。如果孩子受到压力，那么他们就不太可能认为该活动是玩耍。玩耍是主动参与的：玩家必须在身体上和/或精神上参与到该活动中。玩耍是非字面的。它包含想象。

第6段

According to this view,children’s playful behaviors can range in degree from 0%to 100%playful.Rubin and colleagues did not assign greater weight to any one dimension in determining playfulness;however,other researchers have suggested that process orientation and a lack of obvious functional purpose may be the most important aspects of play(e.g.Pellegrini 2009).

根据这种观点，孩子的玩耍行为按照从0%到100%的好玩程度分布。Rubin和同事们在定义好玩性的时候并没有赋予任一维度更高的权重。然而，其他研究者认为，过程导向和缺乏明显的功能目标可能是玩耍最为重要的方面。

第7段

From the perspective of a continuum,play can thus blend with other motives and attitudes that are less playful,such as work.Unlike play,work is typically not viewed as enjoyable and it is extrinsically motivated(i.e.it is goal oriented).Researcher Joan Goodman(1994)suggested that hybrid forms of work and play are not a detriment to learning;rather,they can provide optimal contexts for learning.For example,a child may be engaged in a difficult,goal-directed activity set up by their teacher,but they may still be actively engaged and intrinsically motivated.At this mid-point between play and work,the child’s motivation,coupled with guidance from an adult,can create robust opportunities for playful learning.

从连续体的角度来看，玩耍可以与其他不那么好玩的动机和态度混合在一起，比如工作。不像玩耍，工作通常被认为是无趣的，并且由外在动机驱动(即目标导向)。研究者Joan Goodman(1994)认为，工作与玩耍的混合形式对学习没有损害。相反，他们能够提供学习的最 佳环境。例如，孩子可能参与到由老师设置的、具备一定难度的、并且是目标导向的某项活动，但他们仍然可能主动参与并且受内在动机驱使。在玩耍与工作的中间点，孩子的动机，再加上成人的指导，能够创造出游戏化学习的良好机会。

第8段

Critically,recent research supports the idea that adults can facilitate children’s learning while maintaining a playful approach in interactions known as‘guided play’(Fisher et al.2011).The adult’s role in play varies as a function of their educational goals and the child’s developmental level(Hirsch-Pasek et al.2009).

重要的是，最近的研究支持以下观点，即成人可以在维持玩耍路径的同时帮助孩子学习。这种互动被称为“引导式玩耍”(Fisher et al.2011)。成人在玩耍中的角色根据他们教育目的功能的不同以及孩子发展阶段的不同而不同。

第9段

Guided play takes two forms.At a very basic level,adults can enrich the child’s environment by providing objects or experiences that promote aspects of a curriculum.In the more direct form of guided play,parents or other adults can support children’s play by joining in the fun as a co-player,raising thoughtful questions,commenting on children’s discoveries,or encouraging further exploration or new facets to the child’s activity.Although playful learning can be somewhat structured,it must also be child-centered(Nicolopolou et al.2006).Play should stem from the child’s own desire.

引导式玩耍有两种形式。在十分基础的层面，成人可以通过提供促进课程某方面的物品或经历来丰富儿童的环境。在引导式玩耍更为直接的形式中，父母或其他成人可以作为玩家融入其中来支持孩子的游戏。他们可以提出引人思考的问题，评论孩子的发现，或者在孩子活动中鼓励进一步的探索或添加新的部分。虽然引导式学习可以稍微结构化，但它必须以孩子为中心(Nicolopolou et al.2006)。玩耍必须源自孩子自身的意愿。

第10段

Both free and guided play are essential elements in a child-centered approach to playful learning.Intrinsically motivated free play provides the child with true autonomy,while guided play is an avenue through which parents and educators can provide more targeted learning experiences.In either case,play should be actively engaged,it should be predominantly child-directed,and it must be fun.

自由式玩耍和引导式玩耍在以孩子为中心的游戏化学习中都是必不可少的元素。内在驱动的自由玩耍为孩子提供真正的自主权，而引导式玩耍则是一种路径。在其中，父母和教育者可以提供目的性更强的学习体验。无论在哪种情况下，玩耍都应该是主动参与的，以儿童为中心的，并且必须是有趣的。

剑桥雅思14Test3Passage2阅读原文翻译Saving bugs to find new drugs利用昆虫开发药物

剑桥雅思14阅读第三套题目第二篇文章的主题为通过昆虫研究新药物。文章一共9段，大体可以分为四部分，分别介绍了传统的药物研究方式，昆虫所能提供的启示，对昆虫进行生物勘探所存在的挑战，以及研究昆虫的价值。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思14 Test3 Passage2阅读原文翻译

段落A

More drugs than you might think are derived from,or inspired by,compounds found in living things.Looking to nature for the soothing and curing of our ailments is nothing new–we have been doing it for tens of thousands of years.You only have to look at other primates–such as the capuchin monkeys who rub themselves with toxin-oozing millipedes to deter mosquitoes,or the chimpanzees who use noxious forest plants to rid themselves of intestinal parasites–to realise that our ancient ancestors too probably had a basic grasp of medicine.

提取自生物中的化合物，或者受其启发而制成的药物可能比你想象的要多得多。向自然界寻求缓解或者治疗我们疾病的方法并不是什么新鲜事–我们已经这样做了成千上万年。只用看看其他灵长类动物–比如卷尾猴会用带有毒素的千足虫涂抹自身来驱走蚊子，而大猩猩则会使用有毒的森林植物来摆脱肠内寄生虫–你就会意识到，我们的祖先或许也掌握了一些药物的基本知识。

段落B

Pharmaceutical science and chemistry built on these ancient foundations and perfected the extraction,characterisation,modification and testing of these natural products.Then,for a while,modern pharmaceutical science moved its focus away from nature and into the laboratory,designing chemical compounds from scratch.The main cause of this shift is that although there are plenty of promising chemical compounds in nature,finding them is far from easy.Securing sufficient numbers of the organism in question,isolating and characterising the compounds of interest,and producing large quantities of these compounds are all significant hurdles.

药物科学和化学建立在这些古老基础之上，并完善对这些自然产物的提取、鉴定、改良与测试。然后，有那么一段时间，现代药物科学将关注点从自然移到了实验室中，从零开始设计化合物。这一转变的原因在于，虽然自然界中有充足的、充满前景的化合物，但找到它们却并非易事。收集足够的相关生物，分离并鉴定人们感兴趣的化合物，最后再大量生产这些化合物，所有过程都存在巨大困难。

段落C

Laboratory-based drug discovery has achieved varying levels of success,something which has now prompted the development of new approaches focusing once again on natural products.With the ability to mine genomes for useful compounds,it is now evident that we have barely scratched the surface of nature’s molecular diversity.This realisation,together with several looming health crises,such as antibiotic resistance,has put bioprospecting–the search for useful compounds in nature–firmly back on the map.

以实验室为基础的药物开发取得了不同程度的成功，这使得新的研究方法再次聚焦到自然产物上。有了挖掘实用化合物基因组的能力，很明显我们目前才仅仅接触到自然分子多样新的表面而已。这一认识，再加上诸如耐药性等潜在健康危机的存在，使得生物探索(在自然界中寻找有用的化合物)再次坚定地回到人们的视野中。

段落D

Insects are the undisputed masters of the terrestrial domain,where they occupy every possible niche.Consequently,they have a bewildering array of interactions with other organisms,something which has driven the evolution of an enormous range of very interesting compounds for defensive and offensive purposes.Their remarkable diversity exceeds that of every other group of animals on the planet combined.Yet even though insects are far and away the most diverse animals in existence,their potential as sources of therapeutic compounds is yet to be realised.

昆虫是陆地上毫无争议的主宰，占据每一寸可能的地方。因此，它们与其他生物之间存在大量复杂的互动。这促使它们进化出许多各种各样有趣的化合物用于防御或者进攻。它们非凡的多样性超过地球上所有其他动物的总和。然而，即便昆虫是现存最为多样化的动物，它们作为治疗性化合物来源的潜力尚未被意识到。

段落E

From the tiny proportion of insects that have been investigated,several promising compounds have been identified.For example,alloferon,an compound produced by blow fly larvae,is used as an antiviral and antitumor agent in South Korea and Russia.The larvae of a few other insect species are being investigated for the potent antimicrobial compounds they produce.Meanwhile,a compound from the venom of the wasp Polybia paulista has potential in cancer treatment.

从极少部分已经被研究的昆虫中，人们找到几种很有潜力的化合物。例如，alloferon，一种绿头苍蝇幼虫产生的抗菌剂，在韩国和俄罗斯被当作抗病毒剂和抗癌剂使用。其他昆虫的幼虫也正在被研究，以寻找它们产生的有效抗菌成分。与此同时，黄蜂毒液中的化合物Polybia paulista在癌症治疗方面也有潜在的效用。

段落F

Why is it that insects have received relatively little attention in bioprospecting?Firstly,there are so many insects that,without some manner of targeted approach,investigating this huge variety of species is a daunting task.Secondly,insects are generally very small,and the glands inside them that secrete potentially useful compounds are smaller still.This can make it difficult to obtain sufficient quantities of the compound for subsequent testing.Thirdly,although we consider insects to be everywhere,the reality of this ubiquity is vast numbers of a few extremely common species.Many insect species are infrequently encountered and very difficult to rear in captivity,which,again,can leave us with insufficient material to work with.

为什么昆虫在生物探索中很少受到关注呢?首先，昆虫种类太多，在没有目标方法的情况下，研究如此多样的物种是一项很容易让人气馁的任务。其次，昆虫的体型普遍偏小，它们体内分泌潜在有用化合物的腺体更小。这使得获取足够的化合物以用于后续测试十分困难。第三，虽然我们认为昆虫到处都是，但现实情况是一些非常常见的物种数量巨大。许多昆虫很少遇到，并且很难在圈禁的情况下培养。这再一次使得我们没有充足的材料进行研究。

段落G

My colleagues and I at Aberystwyth University in the UK have developed an approach in which we use our knowledge of ecology as a guide to target our efforts.The creatures that particularly interest us are the many insects that secrete powerful poison for subduing prey and keeping it fresh for future consumption.There are even more insects that are masters of exploiting filthy habitats,such as faeces and carcasses,where they are regularly challenged by thousands of microorganisms.These insects have many antimicrobial compounds for dealing with pathogenic bacteria and fungi,suggesting that there is certainly potential to find many compounds that can serve as or inspire new antibiotics.

我和英国阿伯里斯特威斯大学的同事研究出一种方法，利用我们生态学的知识指导工作。让我们尤其感兴趣的生物是一些昆虫。它们分泌强力的毒药来捕杀猎物，并使其保持新鲜以供未来食用。甚至还有更多的昆虫擅长利用肮脏的栖息地，比如粪便和尸体。在这些地方，它们经常受到上千种微生物的威胁。这些昆虫具备许多应对致病细菌和真菌的化合物。这意味着我们一定有可能找到许多化合物作为新的抗生素使用，或者启发我们开发新的抗生素。

段落H

Although natural history knowledge points us in the right direction,it doesn’t solve the problems associated with obtaining useful compounds from insects.Fortunately,it is now possible to snip out the stretches of the insect’s DNA that carry the codes for the interesting compounds and insert them into cell lines that allow larger quantities to be produced.And although the road from isolating and characterising compounds with desirable qualities to developing a commercial product is very long and full of pitfalls,the variety of successful animal-derived pharmaceuticals on the market demonstrates there is a precedent here that is worth exploring.

虽然自然历史知识为我们指出正确的方向，但它并没有解决从昆虫中获取有用化合物的相关问题。幸运的是，我们如今可以裁剪昆虫基因中携带我们关注的化合物的编码片段，将它们植入到细胞系中，从而使大量生产成为可能。虽然从分离鉴定带有可取性质的化合物到开发出商业产品仍然有很长的路要走，并且途中充满困难，但市场上多种成功的动物提取药物证明，这方面已有先例值得探索。

段落I

With every bit of wilderness that disappears,we deprive ourselves of potential medicines.As much as I’d love to help develop a groundbreaking insect-derived medicine,my main motivation for looking at insects in this way is conservation.I sincerely believe that all species,however small and seemingly insignificant,have a right to exist for their own sake.If we can shine a light on the darker recesses of nature’s medicine cabinet,exploring the useful chemistry of the most diverse animals on the planet,I believe we can make people think differently about the value of nature.

每一片荒野的消失都使得我们失去许多潜在的药品。尽管我十分想要帮助开发一种突破性的昆虫提取药品，但我以这种方式研究昆虫的主要动力是为了保护它们。我真心相信，所有物种，无论多么微小，看起来多么微不足道，都有生存的权利。如果我们照亮自然药橱更为黑暗的深处，探索地球上最为多样的动物体内有用的化学物质，我相信我们能够改变人们关于自然价值的看法。

剑桥雅思14Test3Passage1阅读原文翻译The concept of intelligence智力的概念

剑桥雅思14阅读第三套题目第 一篇文章的主题为智力的概念。文章一共10段，大体可以分为三部分，分别介绍了智力概念的重要性，内隐理论是什么，以及三种不同的内隐理论。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思14 Test3 Passage1阅读原文翻译

段落A

Looked at in one way,everyone knows what intelligence is;looked at in another way,no one does.In other words,people all have unconscious notions–known as‘implicit theories’-of intelligence,but no one knows for certain what it actually is.This chapter addresses how people conceptualize intelligence,whatever it may actually be.

从某种方式来看，每个人都知道智力是什么;但换种方式看的话，就没有人知道了。换句话说，人们对智力都有一种下意识的概念。这被称作内隐理论。但没有人确切的知道它究竟是什么。这一章会解决无论知识是什么，人类如何将它概念化的问题

But why should we even care what people think intelligence is,as opposed only to valuing whatever it actually is?There are at least four reasons people’s conceptions of intelligence matter.

但是，我们为什么应该关心人们如何看待智力，而不是仅仅评估它确实是什么?至少有四个原因可以说明人们对智力的理解十分重要。

段落B

First,implicit theories of intelligence drive the way in which people perceive and evaluate their own intelligence and that of others.To better understand the judgments people make about their own and others’abilities,it is useful to learn about people’s implicit theories.For example,parents’implicit theories of their children’s language development will determine at what ages they will be willing to make various corrections in their children’s speech.More generally,parents’implicit theories of intelligence will determine at what ages they believe their children are ready to perform various cognitive tasks.Job interviewers will make hiring decisions on the basis of their implicit theories of intelligence.People will decide who to be friends with on the basis of such theories.In sum,knowledge about implicit theories of intelligence is important because this knowledge is so often used by people to make judgments in the course of their everyday lives.

首先，智力的内隐理论决定人们看待和评估他们自己与他人智力的方式。为了更好地理解人们对于自身以及他人能力所做出的判断，了解人们的内隐理论十分重要。例如，父母关于他们孩子语言发展的内隐理论会决定他们愿意在什么时候对孩子的语言进行各种纠正。更普遍地来说，父母关于智力的内隐理论会决定他们什么时候相信孩子已经为进行各种认知任务做好了准备。面试官会基于他们自己的智力内隐理论做出招聘决定。人们会基于这样的理论决定跟谁交朋友。总的来说，关于智力内隐理论的知识很重要，因为在日常生活中，这种知识经常被人们用于做判断。

段落C

Second,the implicit theories of scientific investigators ultimately give rise to their explicit theories.Thus it is useful to find out what these implicit theories are.Implicit theories provide a framework that is useful in defining the general scope of a phenomenon–especially a not-well-understood phenomenon.These implicit theories can suggest what aspects of the phenomenon have been more or less attended to in previous investigations.

第二，对内隐理论进行科学研究最终会导致外显理论的出现。因此，研究这些内隐理论是什么十分有用。内隐理论所提供的框架结构在定义某一现象的广义范畴时十分有用，尤其是对于那些尚未被充分理解的现象来说。这些内隐理论可以提示该现象的哪些方面在之前的研究中或多或少被关注过。

段落D

Third,implicit theories can be useful when an investigator suspects that existing explicit theories are wrong or misleading.If an investigation of implicit theories reveals little correspondence between the extant implicit and explicit theories,the implicit theories may be wrong.But the possibility also needs to be taken into account that the explicit theories are wrong and in need of correction or supplementation.For example,some implicit theories of intelligence suggest the need for expansion of some of our explicit theories of the construct.

第三，内隐理论在研究者怀疑现存外显理论存在错误或误导时十分有用。如果对内隐理论的研究发现现存内隐理论与外显理论之间缺乏相关性，那么内隐理论就可能是错误的。但也需要考虑外显理论错误并需要纠正或补充的可能性。例如，一些有关智力的内隐理论表明需要对外显理论的架构进行扩展。

段落E

Finally,understanding implicit theories of intelligence can help elucidate developmental and cross-cultural differences.As mentioned earlier,people have expectations for intellectual performances that differ for children of different ages.How these expectations differ is in part a function of culture.For example,expectations for children who participate in Western-style schooling are almost certain to be different from those for children who do not participate in such schooling.

最终，理解智力的内隐理论有助于说明发展差异与跨文化差异。正如之前提到的那样，人们对于智力表现的预期因儿童年龄的不同而不同。这种预期上的差异一定程度上是由文化造成的。例如，对接受西式教育的儿童的期待几乎肯定不同于那些没有接受此类教育的儿童。

段落F

I have suggested that there are three major implicit theories of how intelligence relates to society as a whole(Sternberg,1997).These might be called Hamiltonian,Jeffersonian,and Jacksonian.These views are not based strictly,but rather,loosely,on the philosophies of Alexander Hamilton,Thomas Jefferson,and Andrew Jackson,three great statesmen in the history of the United States.

我曾指出，存在三种主要的内隐理论，解释智力如何与整体社会相联系(Sternberg,1997)。它们可以被称作汉密尔顿型，杰弗逊型，以及杰克逊型。这些理论并非严格基于亚历山大·汉密尔顿，托马斯·杰弗逊，以及安德鲁·杰克逊这三位美国历史上伟大政治家的哲学，但一定程度上与他们相关。

段落G

The Hamiltonian view,which is similar to the Platonic view,is that people are born with different levels of intelligence and that those who are less intelligent need the good offices of the more intelligent to keep them in line,whether they are called government officials or,in Plato’s term,philosopher-kings.Herrnstein and Murray(1994)seem to have shared this belief when they wrote about the emergence of a cognitive(high-IQ)elite,which eventually would have to take responsibility for the largely irresponsible masses of non-elite(low-IQ)people who cannot take care of themselves.Left to themselves,the unintelligent would create,as they always have created,a kind of chaos.

汉密尔顿的观点与柏拉图的观点相似，认为人们生而具有不同水平的智力。智力较低的人需要智力较高的人的统治(无论他们被称为政府官员，还是用柏拉图的词语“哲学王”)以确保秩序。Herrnstein和Murray(1994)在写到有关认知精英(高智商)的出现时，似乎认同这种观念。他们认为该群体最终不得不承担大多数不负责任的非精英群体(低智商)的责任。这些人无法照顾好他们自己。如果让他们自生自灭的话，智力较低的人会产生混乱，正如他们一直以来的那样。

段落H

The Jeffersonian view is that people should have equal opportunities,but they do not necessarily avail themselves equally of these opportunities and are not necessarily equally rewarded for their accomplishments.People are rewarded for what they accomplish,if given equal opportunity.Low achievers are not rewarded to the same extent as high achievers.In the Jeffersonian view,the goal of education is not to favor or foster an elite,as in the Hamiltonian tradition,but rather to allow children the opportunities to make full use of the skills they have.My own views are similar to these(Sternberg,1997).

杰弗逊的观点认为，人们应该拥有同等的机会，但他们并不一定平等地受益于这些机会，也不一定因自己的成就获得同等的回报。在机遇相同的情况下，人们凭借自己的成就获得回报。低成就者的回报不会与高成就者相同。在杰弗逊看来，教育的目的不是像汉密尔顿的传统那样为了帮助或培养精英，而是让孩子有机会充分利用他们所拥有的技能。我自己的观点与此类似(Sternberg,1997)。

段落I

The Jacksonian view is that all people are equal,not only as human beings but in terms of their competencies–that one person would serve as well as another in government or on a jury or in almost any position of responsibility.In this view of democracy,people are essentially intersubstitutable except for specialized skills,all of which can be learned.In this view,we do not need or want any institutions that might lead to favoring one group over another.

杰克逊的观点是人人平等，不仅作为人类如此，而且能力方面也一样。在政府或陪审团，或者在任何需要承担责任的岗位上，一个人能跟其他人一样同样出色的完成任务。在这种民主的观念下，人们除了可以被学习的专业技能之外，本质上是可以互相取代的。这一观点认为，我们不需要也不想要任何偏袒某一类人群的机构。

段落J

Implicit theories of intelligence and of the relationship of intelligence to society perhaps need to be considered more carefully than they have been because they often serve as underlying presuppositions for explicit theories and even experimental designs that are then taken as scientific contributions.Until scholars are able to discuss their implicit theories and thus their assumptions,they are likely to miss the point of what others are saying when discussing their explicit theories and their data.

智力的内隐理论以及智力与社会的关系或许需要比现在更加仔细的考量，因为它们经常作为外显理论，甚至是随后被当作科学贡献的实验设计的潜在假设。直到学者能够讨论他们的内隐理论，以及因之而来的假设，他们才不会再其他人讨论他们的外显理论与数据时显得毫无头绪。

剑桥雅思14Test2Passage3阅读原文翻译why companies should welcome disorder

剑桥雅思14阅读第二套题目第三篇文章的主题为混乱无序的作用。文章一共8部分，大体介绍了人们之前对秩序井然的追求，这种做法的缺陷所在，以及混乱无序的好处。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思14 Test2 Passage3阅读原文翻译

A部分

Organisation is big business.Whether it is of our lives–all those inboxes and calendars–or how companies are structured,a multi-billion dollar industry helps to meet this need.

组织规划是一门大生意。无论是我们自己的生活中–所有那些收件箱与日历–还是公司的架构中，都有一项数十亿美元的产业帮助满足这一需求。

We have more strategies for time management,project management and self-organisation than at any other time in human history.We are told that we ought to organise our company,our home life,our week,our day and even our sleep,all as a means to becoming more productive.Every week,countless seminars and workshops take place around the world to tell a paying public that they ought to structure their lives in order to achieve this.

相比于人类历史上的任何其他时期，我们在时间管理、项目管理和自我组织管理方面都有更多的策略。我们被告知应该安排好我们的公司、我们的家庭生活、我们的每一周，每一天，甚至是我们的睡眠。所有这些都是变得更加高产的方法。每一周，世界各地都举办无数的研讨会和讲习班，告诉付费而来的公众，他们应该精心安排自己的生活以达成这一目标。

This rhetoric has also crept into the thinking of business leaders and entrepreneurs,much to the delight of self-proclaimed perfectionists with the need to get everything right.The number of business schools and graduates has massively increased over the past 50 years,essentially teaching people how to organise well.

这种说法也悄然进入商业领 袖和创业者的头脑中。这让那些自封的完美主义者十分愉悦。他们文章来自老烤鸭雅思需要将每件事情都弄得井井有条。在过去50年里，商学院和商科专业的毕业生大量增加。他们本质上是在教授人们如何安排好各项事务。

B部分

Ironically,however,the number of businesses that fail has also steadily increased.Work-related stress has increased.A large proportion of workers from all demographics claim to be dissatisfied with the way their work is structured and the way they are managed.

然而，讽刺的是，失败企业的数量也在稳定增加。与工作相关的压力同样在上升。从所有的人口统计数据来看，大量的员工表示对他们工作的组织方式和自己被管理的方式感到不满。

This begs the question:what has gone wrong?Why is it that on paper the drive for organisation seems a sure shot for increasing productivity,but in reality falls well short of what is expected?

这就催生出以下问题：究竟是哪里出错了?为什么从纸面上来看，对组织安排的追求是提升生产力的捷径，但现实中却远远达不到预期呢?

C部分

This has been a problem for a while now.Frederick Taylor was one of the forefathers of scientific management.Writing in the first half of the 20th century,he designed a number of principles to improve the efficiency of the work process,which have since become widespread in modern companies.So the approach has been around for a while.

这个问题已经存在了一段时间。Frederick Taylor是科学管理的创始人之一。在20世纪前半叶的著作中，他设计出一系列提升工作流程效率的原则。这些原则后来在现代企业中广泛传播。所以这种方法已经存在了不少时日。

D部分

New research suggests that this obsession with efficiency is misguided.The problem is not necessarily the management theories or strategies we use to organise our work;it’s the basic assumptions we hold in approaching how we work.Here it’s the assumption that order is a necessary condition for productivity.This assumption has also fostered the idea that disorder must be detrimental to organisational productivity.The result is that businesses and people spend time and money organising themselves for the sake of organising,rather than actually looking at the end goal and usefulness of such an effort.

新的研究表明，对效率的痴迷存在误导性。问题并不一定在于我们用来组织安排工作的管理理论或者策略，而是在于我们在分析工作方式时所秉持的基本假设。这种假设是，秩序是生产效率的必要条件。该假设同时也助长了以下观念：无序一定对组织的生产力有害。这就造成企业和人们花费时间和金钱为了组织安排而进行组织安排，而不是关注最终目标以及这种努力是否有用。

E部分

What’s more,recent studies show that order actually has diminishing returns.Order does increase productivity to a certain extent,but eventually the usefulness of the process of organisation,and the benefit it yields,reduce until the point where any further increase in order reduces productivity.Some argue that in a business,if the cost of formally structuring something outweighs the benefit of doing it,then that thing ought not to be formally structured.Instead,the resources involved can be better used elsewhere.

此外，最近的研究表明秩序的效用实际上是边际递减的。秩序确实可以将生产力提升到一定的程度，但组织过程的效用以及它产生的收益会逐步减弱到某个临界点。过了这个临界点之后，秩序方面任何进一步的提升反而会降低生产力。一些人认为，在企业中，如果正式组织架构某件事情的成本超过了这样做的收益，那么这件事就不应该被正式地组织架构。相反，其中所牵扯到的资源可以被更好地用在其他地方。

F部分

In fact,research shows that,when innovating,the best approach is to create an environment devoid of structure and hierarchy and enable everyone involved to engage as one organic group.These environments can lead to new solutions that,under conventionally structured environments(filled with bottlenecks in terms of information flow,power structures,rules,and routines)would never be reached.

事实上，研究显示，在进行创新的时候，最好的方法是创造一个没有组织结构和层级的环境，从而让每个人都能参与进来形成有机的团体。这种环境能够催生出传统井井有条的环境下(在信息流动，权利结构，规章制度与常规操作方面充满各种障碍)无法实现的新的解决方案。

G部分

In recent times companies have slowly started to embrace this disorganisation.Many of them embrace it in terms of perception(embracing the idea of disorder,as opposed to fearing it)and in terms of process(putting mechanisms in place to reduce structure).

最近一段时间，企业已经开始慢慢接受这种去组织化的趋势。许多企业不仅在观念上接纳它(拥抱无序的概念，而不是畏惧它)，而且在流程上也采用它(设立一些机制来削弱固有机构)。

For example,Oticon,a large Danish manufacturer of hearing aids,used what it called a‘spaghetti’structure in order to reduce the organisation’s rigid hierarchies.This involved scrapping formal job titles and giving staff huge amounts of ownership over their own time and projects.This approach proved to be highly successful initially,with clear improvements in worker productivity in all facets of the business.

例如，Octicon，一家生产助听器的丹麦企业，使用了一种它称为“spaghetti”的结构来削弱组织机构内部僵化的层级。这包括去除正式的工作头衔，赋予员工大量的自主权来安排自己的时间和项目。这种方法从一开始就大获成功。在企业各个方面，工人的生产力都有大幅提升。

In similar fashion,the former chairman of General Electric embraced disorganisation,putting forward the idea of the‘boundaryless’organisation.Again,it involves breaking down the barriers between different parts of a company and encouraging virtual collaboration and flexible working.Google and a number of other tech companies have embraced(at least in part)these kinds of flexible structures,facilitated by technology and strong company values which glue people together.

通用电气前任主席也以类似的方式接纳去组织化，提出“无界”组织的理念。它同样涉及打破公司内部不同部分之间的壁垒，鼓励具有实质意义的合作，以及灵活的工作方式。谷歌和其他一些科技公司也已接受(至少部分如此)这种灵活的结构，由技术和能把人们团结在一起的强大的企业价值观来推动。

H部分

A word of warning to others thinking of jumping on this bandwagon:the evidence so far suggests disorder,much like order,also seems to have diminishing utility,and can also have detrimental effects on performance if overused.Like order,disorder should be embraced only so far as it is useful.But we should not fear it–nor venerate one over the other.This research also shows that we should continually question whether or not our existing assumptions work.

总给那些想要追随这一潮流的其他人一句警告：到目前为止的证据表明，无序与秩序一样，似乎同样存在边际效用递减的问题，如果过度使用的话，还可能对各方面表现产生不利影响。与秩序相同，无序只应该在有用的时候被采纳。但我们不应该畏惧它，也不应该重此轻彼。这一研究同样表明，我们应该持续追问现存的假设是否有用。

剑桥雅思14Test2Passage2阅读原文翻译Back to the future of skyscraper design摩天大楼设计

剑桥雅思14阅读第二套题目第二篇文章的主题为向过去学习以探索建筑设计的未来。文章一共9部分，大体介绍了目前建筑物存在的问题，过去设计能够给我们的启发，以及相应的成功案例。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思14 Test2 Passage2阅读原文翻译

A部分

The Recovery of Natural Environments in Architecture by Professor Alan Short is the culmination of 30 years of research and award-winning green building design by Short and colleagues in Architecture,Engineering,Applied Maths and Earth Sciences at the University of Cambridge.

Alan Short教授所著的《自然环境在建筑中的复苏》是三十年研究的集大成之作，也是Short及其剑桥大学建筑学、工程学、应用数学和地球科学领域内的同事们共同完成的荣获大奖的环保建筑设计。

‘The crisis in building design is already here,’said Short.‘Policy makers think you can solve energy and building problems with gadgets.You can’t.As global temperatures continue to rise,we are going to continue to squander more and more energy on keeping our buildings mechanically cool until we have run out of capacity.’

“建筑设计中的危机已经显现，”Short这样说。“政策制定者们以为用小零件小设备就能解决能源和建筑问题。其实并不能。随着全球温度持续上升，我们将继续用机械方法挥霍越来越多的能量，使建筑物内保持凉爽，直到我们再也无能为力为止。

B部分

Short is calling for a sweeping reinvention of how skyscrapers and major public buildings are designed–to end the reliance on sealed buildings which exist solely via the life support’system of vast air conditioning units.

Short正在呼吁对摩天大楼和大型公共建筑的设计方式进行一场彻底的重塑–来结束对封闭式建筑的依赖，它们的存在完全是依靠大型空调设备来提供“生命支持”的。

Instead,he shows it is entirely possible to accommodate natural ventilation and cooling in large buildings by looking into the past,before the widespread introduction of air conditioning systems,which were‘relentlessly and aggressively marketed’by their inventors.

与之相反，他证明了：完全有可能在大型建筑中容纳天然的通风和冷却系统，办法就是回溯到过去那个还没有大规模引人空调系统的时代，这些空调系统就是其发明者所“毫不留情、大刀阔斧地”大肆进行宣传推广的。

C部分

Short points out that to make most contemporary buildings habitable,they have to be sealed and air conditioned.The energy use and carbon emissions this generates is spectacular and largely unnecessary.Buildings in the West account for 40-50%of electricity usage,generating substantial carbon emissions,and the rest of the world is catching up at a frightening rate.Short regards glass,steel and air-conditioned skyscrapers as symbols of status,rather than practical ways of meeting our requirements.

Short指出：要让大多数当代建筑里可以住人，它们必须封闭起来、进行空气调控。这种做法所造成的能源消耗和碳排放是极为壮观的，在很大程度上并没有必要。西方建筑物要占用电量的40—50%，产生了巨量的碳排放，而世界上的其他地方正以一种令人惊恐的速度追赶上来。Short认为，由玻璃，钢铁和空调组成的摩天大楼是社会地位的象征，而不是满足我们需要的实用方式。

D部分

Short’s book highlights a developing and sophisticated art and science of ventilating buildings through the 19th and earlier-20th centuries,including the design of ingeniously ventilated hospitals.Of particular interest were those built to the designs of John Shaw Billings,including the first Johns Hopkins Hospital in the US city of Baltimore(1873-1889).

Short的书重点阐述了在19世纪和20世纪初期这个阶段里，为建筑物通风的艺术与科学一直在发展进步、日趋复杂完善，这其中包括通风系统设计精妙的医院。格外引人注目的是那些依照John Shaw Billings的设计搭建而成的建筑，包括位于美国巴尔的摩市的第 一家约翰霍普金斯医院(1873—1889)。

‘We spent three years digitally modelling Billings’final designs,’says Short.‘We put pathogens*in the airstreams,modelled for someone with tuberculosis(TB)coughing in the wards and we found the ventilation systems in the room would have kept other patients safe from harm.

“我们花了三年的时间用数字化模拟修建了Billins最后的那些设计方案，”Short这样说。“我们在气流中放入了病原体，以此模仿病房中正在咳嗽的肺结核病患，结果我们发现：房间里的通风系统能保护其他病人不受侵害。”

E部分

‘We discovered that 19th-century hospital wards could generate up to 24 air changes an hour–that’s similar to the performance of a modern-day,computer-controlled operating theatre.We believe you could build wards based on these principles now.

“我们发现19世纪的医院病房在1小时内能够制造多达24次的空气交换–类似于一家现代化的、由电脑中控的剧院可达成的效果。我们相信你现在完全可以基于这些原理来建造病房。

Single rooms are not appropriate for all patients.Communal wards appropriate for certain patients–older people with dementia,for example–would work just as well in today’s hospitals,at a fraction of the energy cost.’

单人间并非适合于所有的病人。对某些病患比较合适的公共病房–例如患痴呆的较年长病人–在今天的医院里也同样适用，所消耗的能量却只有一丁点儿。”

Professor Short contends the mindset and skill-sets behind these designs have been completely lost,lamenting the disappearance of expertly designed theatres,opera houses,and other buildings where up to half the volume of the building was given over to ensuring everyone got fresh air.

Short教授感到这些设计背后的思维理念和精巧技艺已经完全丢失了，他痛惜那些消失了的、经由专家精心设计建造的剧院、歌剧院和其他同类建筑，这些建筑中多达一半的空间都用于确保每个人都能获得新鲜空气。

F部分

Much of the ingenuity present in 19th-century hospital and building design was driven by a panicked public clamouring for buildings that could protect against what was thought to be the lethal threat of miasmas–toxic air that spread disease.Miasmas were feared as the principal agents of disease and epidemics for centuries,and were used to explain the spread of infection from the Middle Ages right through to the cholera outbreaks in London and Paris during the 1850s.Foul air,rather than germs,was believed to be the main driver of‘hospital fever’,leading to disease and frequent death.The prosperous steered clear of hospitals.

存在于19世纪的医院和其他建筑中的那种精巧设计在很大程度上是被恐慌的公众所催生的，这些人大声疾呼，要求建筑物能给他们提供保护，使自己不受当时被认为是致命威胁的瘴气–会传播疾病的有毒气体–所侵袭。几个世纪以来，瘴气一直被看作疾病和传染病的主要致病源而深受畏俱，从中世纪以来直到19世纪50年代爆发在伦敦和巴黎的大霍乱，人们都用瘴气来解释感染的传播原因。污秽的空气，而非病菌，被认为是“医院热病”的主要元凶，引发了疾病与频繁的死亡。富人都对医院唯恐避之不及。

While miasma theory has been long since disproved,Short has for the last 30 years advocated a return to some of the building design principles produced in its wake.

虽然瘴气理论很久以前就被证明了是错的，但Short在过去三十年间一直在支持重拾一些建筑设计原理，而这些原理正是在这一错误理论的催生下才发展起来的。

G部分

Today,huge amounts of a building’s space and construction cost are given over to air conditioning.‘But I have designed and built a series of buildings over the past three decades which have tried to reinvent some of these ideas and then measure what happens.

今天，一栋建筑的大量空间和建造费用都奉献给了空调系统。“但是我在过去三十年间设计和主持建成了一系列楼宇，尝试重新用上我所说的这些理念，然后测试了接下来的效果”。

‘To go forward into our new low-energy,low-carbon future,we would be well advised to look back at design before our high-energy,high-carbon present appeared.What is surprising is what a rich legacy we have abandoned.’

“要向前去到我们全新的低能源、低碳排的未来，一个非常明智的做法就是回首过去，向我们高能源、高碳排的当下出现之前的那个时代去学习。令人惊异的是我们抛弃了一份多么丰厚的遗产”。

H部分

Successful examples of Short’s approach include the Queen’s Building at De Montfort University in Leicester.Containing as many as 2,000 staff and students,the entire building is naturally ventilated,passively cooled and naturally lit,including the two largest auditoria,each seating more than 150 people.The award-winning building uses a fraction of the electricity of comparable buildings in the UK.

Short所倡导的方法的成功案例之一是位于莱斯特的德蒙特福德大学的女王大楼。楼内能容纳2000名员工和学生，整栋建筑都依靠自然通风、非人工手段制冷和天然照明，其中两座分别能坐下150多人的最 大的礼堂也不例外。这座曾经获奖的建筑所使用的电量与英国其他同类建筑的用电量相比只是九牛一毛。

Short contends that glass skyscrapers in London and around the world will become a liability over the next 20 or 30 years if climate modelling predictions and energy price rises come to pass as expected.

Short认为，如果气候模型预测的情况和能源价格上涨真的如人们所预期的那样到来了的话，那么在接下来的二十或三十年间，伦敦乃至全球的玻璃摩天高楼都将会成为沉重的累赘。

I部分

He is convinced that sufficiently cooled skyscrapers using the natural environment can be produced in almost any climate.He and his team have worked on hybrid buildings in the harsh climates of Beijing and Chicago–built with natural ventilation assisted by back-up air conditioning–which,surprisingly perhaps,can be switched off more than half the time on milder days and during the spring and autumn.

他坚信：利用自然环境而进行充足制冷的高楼大厦在几乎任何气候里都是可以建成并运转的。他和他的团队在北京和芝加哥的严酷气候里在各种各样的建筑上都进行过试验–这些建筑里设立了天然通风系统，同时辅以备用空调设备–也许会令人大吃一惊的是，在比较温和的日子里以及在春秋季节，这些空调有一半以上的时间都可以关闭不用。

Short looks at how we might reimagine the cities,offices and homes of the future.Maybe it’s time we changed our outlook.

Short所着眼的是我们也许可以重新设计未来的城市、办公室和家庭。也许是时候改变我们的看法了。

剑桥雅思14Test2Passage1阅读原文翻译Alexander Henderson(1831-1913)

剑桥雅思14阅读第二套题目第 一篇文章的主题为Alexander Henderson的生平。文章一共9段，按照时间顺序介绍了Henderson的青少年时期，早期工作经历，如何接触摄影，早期摄影风格，设立摄影工作室等内容。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思14 Test2 Passage1阅读原文翻译

第1段

Alexander Henderson was born in Scotland in 1831 and was the son of a successful merchant.His grandfather,also called Alexander,had founded the family business,and later became the first chairman of the National Bank of Scotland.The family had extensive landholdings in Scotland.Besides its residence in Edinburgh,it owned Press Estate,650 acres of farmland about 35 miles southeast of the city.The family often stayed at Press Castle,the large mansion on the northern edge of the property,and Alexander spent much of his childhood in the area,playing on the beach near Eyemouth or fishing in the streams nearby.

Alexander Henderson于1831年在苏格兰出生，是一位成功商人的儿子。他的祖父，也叫做Alexander，开创了家族企业，后来成为苏格兰国家银行的首任主席。其家庭在苏格兰拥有大量的土地。除了位于爱丁堡的住宅之外，它还拥有Press Estate，一块城市东南部大约35英里处，占地650公顷的农场。一家人经常待在位于土地北部边缘的巨大住宅Press城堡。Alexander在这里度过了其大部分的童年时光，要么在Eyemouth附近的海滩上玩耍，要么在附近的溪流中钓鱼。

第2段

Even after he went to school at Murcheston Academy on the outskirts of Edinburgh,Henderson returned to Press at weekends.In 1849 he began a three-year apprenticeship to become an accountant.Although he never liked the prospect of a business career,he stayed with it to please his family.In October 1855,however,he emigrated to Canada with his wife Agnes Elder Robertson and they settled in Montreal.

即便在他前往爱丁堡郊区的Murcheston Academy读书之后，Henderson仍然会在周末回到Press。1849年，他开始为期三年的学徒生涯以成为一名会计。虽然他从未喜欢过这一商业职业的前景，但他为了让家人开心还是一直做着。然而，1855年10月，他与妻子Agnes Elder Robertson移民到了加拿大，并在蒙特利尔安顿下来。

第3段

Henderson learned photography in Montreal around the year 1857 and quickly took it up as a serious amateur.He became a personal friend and colleague of the Scottish-Canadian photographer William Notman.The two men made a photographic excursion to Niagara Falls in 1860 and they cooperated on experiments with magnesium flares as a source of artificial light in 1865.They belonged to the same societies and were among the founding members of the Art Association of Montreal.Henderson acted as chairman of the association’s first meeting,which was held in Notman’s studio on 11 January 1860.

Henderson于1857年左右在蒙特利尔学习摄影，并迅速将它培养成一项认真的业余爱好。他成为苏格兰裔加拿大摄影师William Notman的私人好友与同事。这两个人在1860年的时候进行了一次前往尼亚加拉大瀑布的摄影之旅，在1865年的时候一起实验利用镁的燃烧作为自然光源。他们属于同一个社团，并且是蒙特利尔艺术协会的创始成员。Henderson还作为主席主持了该歇会的第 一次会议。它于1860年1月11日在Notman工作室中举办。

第4段

In spite of their friendship,their styles of photography were quite different.While Notman’s landscapes were noted for their bold realism,Henderson for the first 20 years of his career produced romantic images,showing the strong influence of the British landscape tradition.His artistic and technical progress was rapid and in 1865 he published his first major collection of landscape photographs.The publication had limited circulation(only seven copies have ever been found),and was called Canadian Views and Studies.The contents of each copy vary significantly and have proved a useful source for evaluating Henderson’s early work.

尽管两人友谊甚笃，但他们的摄影风格差别很大。虽然Notman的风景照因为其大胆直白的现实主义而闻名，但Henderson在其职业生涯的前20年拍的却是浪漫主义照片，展现出英国风景画传统的浓厚影响。他在艺术和技术方面进步很快。1865年，他出版了自己第 一套风景照片大合集。这套册子的流通十分有限(目前只发现了7本)，取名为《加拿大风景与研究》。每一本的内容差别很大，成为评估Henderson早期作品的一个重要资源。

第5段

In 1866,he gave up his business to open a photographic studio,advertising himself as a portrait and landscape photographer.From about 1870 he dropped portraiture to specialize in landscape photography and other views.His numerous photographs of city life revealed in street scenes,houses,and markets are alive with human activity,and although his favourite subject was landscape he usually composed his scenes around such human pursuits as farming the land,cutting ice on a river,or sailing down a woodland stream.There was sufficient demand for these types of scenes and others he took depicting the lumber trade,steamboats and waterfalls to enable him to make a living.There was little competing hobby or amateur photography before the late 1880s because of the time-consuming techniques involved and the weight of the equipment.People wanted to buy photographs as souvenirs of a trip or as gifts,and catering to this market,Henderson had stock photographs on display at his studio for mounting,framing,or inclusion in albums.

1866年，他放弃自己的生意，开设了一家摄影工作室，将自己宣传成一位人像与风景摄影师。从1870年左右开始，他舍弃人像，专注于拍摄风景照和其他景象照。他拍下数不胜数的城市生活照片。这些街道景象、房屋和市场因为有了芸芸众生的活动而显得充满生机。虽然他最喜欢的题材是风景，但他经常将风景围绕人类活动进行构图，比如耕种田地，河流取冰，或者沿林中溪水顺流而下。对这种类型的景象和其他他拍摄的描绘木材贸易，蒸汽船与瀑布的照片有很大需求，足以他以此谋生。在19世纪80年代末期之前，因为费时的技术以及设备的重量，几乎没有其他爱好或者业余摄影与他竞争。人们想要购买照片作为旅行的纪念品或者礼物。为了迎合这一市场需求，Henderson在自己的工作室展出大量的储备照片，以供镶嵌，加框或者收录集结成册。

第6段

Henderson frequently exhibited his photographs in Montreal and abroad,in London,Edinburgh,Dublin,Paris,New York,and Philadelphia.He met with greater success in 1877 and 1878 in New York when he won first prizes in the exhibition held by E and H T Anthony and Company for landscapes using the Lambertype process.In 1878 his work won second prize at the world exhibition in Paris.

Henderson在蒙特利尔和诸如伦敦、爱丁堡、都柏林、巴黎、纽约以及费城等国外地区频繁展出自己的照片。他于1877年和1878年在纽约获得更大的成功，当时他因为使用漫反射的处理手法拍摄风景而赢得由E and H T Anthony and Company举办的摄影展的头奖。1878年，他的作品在巴黎世界博览会上赢得二等奖。

第7段

In the 1870s and 1880s Henderson travelled widely throughout Quebec and Ontario,in Canada,documenting the major cities of the two provinces and many of the villages in Quebec.He was especially fond of the wilderness and often travelled by canoe on the Blanche,du Lievre,and other noted eastern rivers.He went on several occasions to the Maritimes and in 1872 he sailed by yacht along the lower north shore of the St Lawrence River.That same year,while in the lower St Lawrence River region,he took some photographs of the construction of the Intercolonial Railway.This undertaking led in 1875 to a commission from the railway to record the principal structures along the almost-completed line connecting Montreal to Halifax.Commissions from other railways followed.In 1876 he photographed bridges on the Quebec,Montreal,Ottawa and Occidental Railway between Montreal and Ottawa.In 1885 he went west along the Canadian Pacific Railway(CPR)as far as Rogers Pass in British Columbia,where he took photographs of the mountains and the progress of construction.

19世纪70年代和80年代，Henderson广泛游历了加拿大的魁北克和安大略地区，用影像记录下这两个省份中的主要城市和魁北克地区的许多村庄。他尤其喜欢旷野景象，并且经常乘独木舟沿Blanche,du Lievre和其他著 名的东部河流旅行。他去过几次Maritimes。1872年，他乘坐帆船文章来自老烤鸭雅思走遍了St Lawrence河沿岸的北部低地地区。同一年在St Lawrence低地地区时，他拍摄了一些正在建设的殖民地之间铁路的照片。这一举动在1875年促成那家铁路公司委托他拍摄记录当时快要竣工的、连接蒙特利尔和哈利法克斯铁路沿线的主要建筑。来自其他铁路公司的委托接踵而至。1876年，他拍摄了魁北克线、蒙特利尔线、渥太华线以及蒙特利尔和渥太华之间的西洋铁路上的各种桥梁。1885年，他沿着加拿大太平洋铁路一直向西，最远到达过不列颠属哥伦比亚的Rogers Pass。在那里，他拍摄了群山和正在进行中的建筑工程。

第8段

In 1892 Henderson accepted a full-time position with the CPR as manager of a photographic department which he was to set up and administer.His duties included spending four months in the field each year.That summer he made his second trip west,photographing extensively along the railway line as far as Victoria.He continued in this post until 1897,when he retired completely from photography.

1892年，Henderson接受CPR提供的一份全职工作，成为他即将设立并负责的摄影部门的经理。他的工作内容包括每年在户外待上4个月。那年夏天，他第二次向西旅行，沿着铁路线拍下大量的照片，最远到达过维多利亚。他在这一岗位上一直干到1897年从摄影业彻底退休。

第9段

When Henderson died in 1913,his huge collection of glass negatives was stored in the basement of his house.Today collections of his work are held at the National Archives of Canada,Ottawa,and the McCord Museum of Canadian History,Montreal.

当Henderson于1913年去世时，他海量的玻璃底片被储存在自己家的地下室里。如今，他的作品被收藏在位于渥太华的加拿大国家档案馆以及位于蒙特利尔的麦考得加拿大历史博物馆中。

剑桥雅思14Test1Passage3阅读原文翻译Motivational factors and the hospitality industry

剑桥雅思14阅读第 一套题目第三篇文章的主题为酒店行业的人力资源管理。文章一共12段，大体可以分为三部分。开头引出问题：酒店行业如何招到和留住优质员工，中间描述酒店行业人力资源管理上存在的问题，最后提供相应的解决方案。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思14 Test1 Passage3阅读原文翻译

第1段

A critical ingredient in the success of hotels is developing and maintaining superior performance from their employees.How is that accomplished?What Human Resource Management(HRM)practices should organizations invest in to acquire and retain great employees?

酒店要想获得成功，一个至关重要的因素在于提升并维持其员工的卓越表现。要如何才能达成这一目标呢?组织机构应该在人力资源管理方面投入些什么才能招到并留住优 秀的员工呢?

第2段

Some hotels aim to provide superior working conditions for their employees.The idea originated from workplaces–usually in the non-service sector—that emphasized fun and enjoyment as part of work-life balance.By contrast,the service sector,and more specifically hotels,has traditionally not extended these practices to address basic employee needs,such as good working conditions.

一些酒店试图为其员工提供更好的工作条件。这一想法源自一些强调乐趣与享受以保持工作和生活平衡的工作场所。它们通常都位于非服务行业。相比之下，服务行业，更确切的说是酒店，传统上并没有将这些做法进行延伸以满足员工的基本需求，例如良好的工作条件。

第3段

Pfeffer(1994)emphasizes that in order to succeed in a global business environment,organizations must make investment in Human Resource Management(HRM)to allow them to acquire employees who possess better skills and capabilities than their competitors.This investment will be to their competitive advantage.Despite this recognition of the importance of employee development,the hospitality industry has historically been dominated by underdeveloped HR practices(Lucas,2002).

Pfeffer(1994)强调，为了在全球商业环境中取得成功，组织机构必须在人力资源方面进行投资，从而招到比他们竞争对手拥有更好技能和能力的员工。这项投资会成为他们的竞争优势。尽管意识到员工提升的重要性，但不尽如人意的人力资源实践一直都是酒店行业的主流(Lucas 2002)。

第4段

Lucas also points out that‘the substance of HRM practices does not appear to be designed to foster constructive relations with employees or to represent a managerial approach that enables developing and drawing out the full potential of people,even though employees may be broadly satisfied with many aspects of their work’(Lucas,2002).In addition,or maybe as a result,high employee turnover has been a recurring problem throughout the hospitality industry.Among the many cited reasons are low compensation,inadequate benefits,poor working conditions and compromised employee morale and attitudes(Maroudas et al.,2008).

Lucas同时指出，“人力资源管理实践的内容被设计出来似乎并不是为了培养员工之间建设性的关系，或者呈现一种能够提升并挖掘人们所有潜能的管理方法，即使大体上来看，员工已经对工作的许多方面表示满意”(Lucas,2002)。此外，或许正因如此，较高的员工流动率一直都是整个酒店行业反复出现的问题。之前被提及的许多原因包括：低薪酬，少福利，恶劣的工作环境，折衷的员工士气与态度(Maroudas et al.,2008)。

第5段

Ng and Sorensen(2008)demonstrated that when managers provide recognition to employees,motivate employees to work together,and remove obstacles preventing effective performance,employees feel more obligated to stay with the company.This was succinctly summarized by Michel et al.(2013):‘[P]roviding support to employees gives them the confidence to perform their jobs better and the motivation to stay with the organization.’Hospitality organizations can therefore enhance employee motivation and retention through the development and improvement of their working conditions.These conditions are inherently linked to the working environment.

Ng与Sorensen(2008)证实，当管理者认可员工，动员员工互相合作，并移除阻碍高效工作的障碍时，员工会感到更有义务留在这家公司。这一点由Michel et al.(2013)言简意赅的总结出来：“为员工提供支持给予了他们更好履行工作的自信以及留在该组织机构的动力”。因此，酒店行业可以通过提升改善员工的工作条件来加强他们的工作动力和稳定性。这些条件天然的与工作环境联系在一起。

第6段

While it seems likely that employees’reactions to their job characteristics could be affected by a predisposition to view their work environment negatively,no evidence exists to support this hypothesis(Spector et al.,2000).However,given the opportunity,many people will find something to complain about in relation to their workplace(Poulston,2009).There is a strong link between the perceptions of employees and particular factors of their work environment that are separate from the work itself,including company policies,salary and vacations.

虽然似乎员工对他们工作特点的反应会受到以消极态度看待自己工作环境的倾向的影响，但并没有证据支持这种假设(Spector et al.,2000)。然而，只要有机会，许多人都能找到工作环境的某些方面进行抱怨(Poulston,2009)。在员工感受与其工作内容本身之外的工作条件(尤其是公司政策，薪水和休假)之间存在着很强的相关性。

第7段

Such conditions are particularly troubling for the luxury hotel market,where high-quality service,requiring a sophisticated approach to HRM,is recognized as a critical source of competitive advantage(Maroudas et al.,2008).In a real sense,the services of hotel employees represent their industry(Schneider and Bowen,1993).This representation has commonly been limited to guest experiences.This suggests that there has been a dichotomy between the guest environment provided in luxury hotels and the working conditions of their employees.

这样的情况对于高端酒店市场来说尤其麻烦。在这个领域中，需要借助一套成熟完善的HRM方法来实现的高品质服务，被认为是竞争优势的一个核心来源(Maroudas et al.,2008)。从真正意义上来讲，酒店员工的服务就代表着他们的行业(Scheneider and Bowen,1993)。这种代表性通常仅限于顾客体验。这意味着高端酒店所提供的顾客环境与他们员工的工作环境之间存在着天壤之别。

第8段

It is therefore essential for hotel management to develop HRM practices that enable them to inspire and retain competent employees.This requires an understanding of what motivates employees at different levels of management and different stages of their careers(Enz and Siguaw,2000).This implies that it is beneficial for hotel managers to understand what practices are most favorable to increase employee satisfaction and retention.

因此，酒店管理人员提升人力资源操作从而激励并留住高水平的员工十分有必要。这就需要理解在不同的管理层级与不同的职业发展阶段哪些东西能够激励员工(Enz and Siguaw,2000)。这意味着，对于酒店管理人员来说，了解哪些操作能够最有效地提升员工的满意度和留职率很有好处。

第9段

Herzberg(1966)proposes that people have two major types of needs,the first being extrinsic motivation factors relating to the context in which work is performed,rather than the work itself.These include working conditions and job security.When these factors are unfavorable,job dissatisfaction may result.Significantly,though,just fulfilling these needs does not result in satisfaction,but only in the reduction of dissatisfaction(Maroudas et al.,2008).

Herzberg(1996)提出，人们有两大类别的需求，第 一种是与工作环境相关，而非与工作自身相关的外在激励因素。这包括工作条件与职业安全感。当这些因素不利时，可能会导致人们对工作不满。但是，仅仅满足这些需要并不会导致对工作满意，而是只能减少对工作的不满。

第10段

Employees also have intrinsic motivation needs or motivators,which include such factors as achievement and recognition.Unlike extrinsic factors,motivator factors may ideally result in job satisfaction(Maroudas et al.,2008).Herzberg’s(1966)theory discusses the need for a‘balance’of these two types of needs.

员工也有内在的激励需求或者驱动力。这包括成就和认同等因素。不像外在因素，激励因素可能能够完美地提升工作满意度(Maroundas et al.,2008)。Herzberg(1966)的理论探讨了在这两种需求之间寻找平衡的必要性。

第11段

The impact of fun as a motivating factor at work has also been explored.For example,Tews,Michel and Stafford(2013)conducted a study focusing on staff from a chain of themed restaurants in the United States,It was found that fun activities had a favorable impact on performance and manager support for fun had a favorable impact in reducing turnover.Their findings support the view that fun may indeed have a beneficial effect,but the framing of that fun must be carefully aligned with both organizational goals and employee characteristics.‘Managers must learn how to achieve the delicate balance of allowing employees the freedom to enjoy themselves at work while simultaneously maintaining high levels of performance’(Tews et al.,2013).

有趣作为激励因素对工作的影响也已经有人探索过。例如，Tews,Michel和Stafford(2013)开展过一项研究，专门关注美国一个连锁主题餐厅中的员工。结果发现，有趣的活动对员工表现有着积极的影响，管理人员对趣味的支持对减少流动率也有着积极的影响。他们的发现支持了如下观点：有趣可能确实拥有有益的影响，但必须认真设计趣味的边际框架，以与组织机构的目标和员工的特点相一致。“管理人员必须学会如何在给予员工一定的自由让他们可以在工作中好好享受，同时又让他们能够保持高水平的表现之间取得平衡”。

第12段

Deery(2008)has recommended several actions that can be adopted at the organizational level to retain good staff as well as assist in balancing work and family life.Those particularly appropriate to the hospitality industry include allowing adequate breaks during the working day,staff functions that involve families,and providing health and well-being opportunities.

Deery(2008)推荐了几种能够在组织机构层面采取的措施，以留住优 秀员工并帮助实现工作与家庭生活之间的平衡。那些尤其适合酒店行业的措施包括：工作日期间允许适当的休息，让家人也参与到员工活动中，以及提供体检的机会。

剑桥雅思14Test1Passage2阅读原文翻译The growth of bike-sharing schemes around the world共享单车

剑桥雅思14阅读第 一套题目第二篇文章的主题为共享单车。文章一共7段，按时间顺序介绍了共享单车计划的起源，曾经所遭受的困难，后来的转机，以及对未来的展望。下面是这篇文章具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思14 Test1 Passage2阅读原文翻译

段落A

The original idea for an urban bike-sharing scheme dates back to a summer’s day in Amsterdam in 1965.Provo,the organisation that came up with the idea,was a group of Dutch activists who wanted to change society.They believed the scheme,which was known as the Witte Fietsenplan,was an answer to the perceived threats of air pollution and consumerism.In the centre of Amsterdam,they painted a small number of used bikes white.They also distributed leaflets describing the dangers of cars and inviting people to use the white bikes.The bikes were then left unlocked at various locations around the city,to be used by anyone in need of transport.

城市共享单车计划的最初想法可以追溯到1965年阿姆斯特丹的某个夏日。提出该想法的组织，Provo，是一群想要改变社会的荷兰积极行动分子。他们认为，被称作“Witte Fietsenplan”的计划是应对空气污染和消费主义威胁的答案。在阿姆斯特丹市中心，他们将一些旧自行车喷成白色。他们还分发小册子，描绘汽车的危害，并邀请人们使用白色自行车。随后，没有上锁的自行车被留在城市中的各个地点，可以被任何需要交通工具的人使用。

段落B

Luud Schimmelpennink,a Dutch industrial engineer who still lives and cycles in Amsterdam,was heavily involved in the original scheme.He recalls how the scheme succeeded in attracting a great deal of attention–particularly when it came to publicising Provo’s aims–but struggled to get off the ground.The police were opposed to Provo’s initiatives and almost as soon as the white bikes were distributed around the city,they removed them.However,for Schimmelpennink and for bike-sharing schemes in general,this was just the beginning.‘The first Witte Fietsenplan was just a symbolic thing,’he says.‘We painted a few bikes white,that was all.Things got more serious when I became a member of the Amsterdam city council two years later.’

Luud Schimmelpennink，一名仍然居住在阿姆斯特丹并经常骑行的荷兰工业工程师，曾紧密参与到最初的计划中。他回忆起这项计划如何成功吸引到大量的注意力–尤其是在宣传Provo的目的方面-但未能真正起飞。警察反对Provo的方案。白色自行车刚被放在城市各处，他们就会把车清走。然而，对于Schimmelpennink和广义上的共享单车计划而言，这还仅仅是个开始。“第 一次的Witte Fietsenplan仅仅是象征意义的事情”，他说。“我们将一些自行车喷成白色，仅此而已。两年后，当我成为阿姆斯特丹市议会成员时，事情才变得更加认真起来”。

段落C

Schimmelpennink seized this opportunity to present a more elaborate Witte Fietsenplan to the city council.‘My idea was that the municipality of Amsterdam would distribute 10,000 white bikes over the city,for everyone to use,’he explains.‘I made serious calculations.It turned out that a white bicycle–per person,per kilometre–would cost the municipality only 10%of what it contributed to public transport per person per kilometre.’Nevertheless,the council unanimously rejected the plan.‘They said that the bicycle belongs to the past.They saw a glorious future for the car,’says Schimmelpennink.But he was not in the least discouraged.

Schimmelpennink抓住这次机会向市议会提交了一份更为详细周密的Witte Fietsenplan计划。“我的想法是，在阿姆斯特丹市内投放10000辆白色自行车供所有人使用”，他解释到。“我进行了严密的计算。结果显示，一辆白色自行车–每人，每公里–仅仅需要当局投入它在每人每公里公共交通上花费的10%”。然而，议会一致否决了这一计划。“他们说，自行车属于过去，他们看到汽车光辉灿烂的未来”，Schimmelpennink说。但他没有丝毫气馁。

段落D

Schimmelpennink never stopped believing in bike-sharing,and in the mid-90s,two Danes asked for his help to set up a system in Copenhagen.The result was the world’s first large-scale bike-share programme.It worked on a deposit:‘You dropped a coin in the bike and when you returned it,you got your money back.’After setting up the Danish system,Schimmelpennink decided to try his luck again in the Netherlands–and this time he succeeded in arousing the interest of the Dutch Ministry of Transport.‘Times had changed,’he recalls.‘People had become more environmentally conscious,and the Danish experiment had proved that bike-sharing was a real possibility.’A new Witte Fietsenplan was launched in 1999 in Amsterdam.However,riding a white bike was no longer free;it cost one guilder per trip and payment was made with a chip card developed by the Dutch bank Postbank.Schimmelpennink designed conspicuous,sturdy white bikes locked in special racks which could be opened with the chip card–the plan started with 250 bikes,distributed over five stations.

Schimmelpennink从未放弃过对共享单车的信念。90年代中期，两个丹麦人请求他帮忙在哥本哈根建立一个这样的系统。结果出现了世界上第 一个大型的共享单车项目。它采用押金的方式运行：“你向自行车投入一枚硬币，归还的时候把钱拿回来”。在建立丹麦系统之后，Schimmelpennink决定再在荷兰试试自己的运气。这一次，他成功引起了荷兰交通运输部的兴趣。“时代变了”，他回忆到。“人们对环境更加关心，并且丹麦的实验也证明共享单车计划确实可行”。1999年，一项新的Witte Fietsenplan在阿姆斯特丹推行。然而，骑行白色自行车不再是免费的了。每次旅程的费用为一盾，通过荷兰银行Postbank开发的芯片卡付费。Schimmelpennink设计醒目坚固的白色自行车。它们锁在用芯片卡可以打开的，特殊的车架上–计划开始时有250辆自行车，分布在5个站点。

段落E

Theo Molenaar,who was a system designer for the project,worked alongside Schimmelpennink.‘I remember when we were testing the bike racks,he announced that he had already designed better ones.But of course,we had to go through with the ones we had.’The system,however,was prone to vandalism and theft.‘After every weekend there would always be a couple of bikes missing,’Molenaar says.‘I really have no idea what people did with them,because they could instantly be recognised as white bikes.’But the biggest blow came when Postbank decided to abolish the chip card,because it wasn’t profitable.‘That chip card was pivotal to the system,’Molenaar says.‘To continue the project we would have needed to set up another system,but the business partner had lost interest.’

Theo Molenaar，该项目的系统设计师，与Schimmelpennink并肩工作。“我记得我们在测试车架的时候，他宣布他已经设计出更好的产品。但当然，我们不得不继续使用已有的那些”。然而，该系统很容易受到破坏并被偷窃。“每个周末过后，总是会有几辆自行车丢失”，Molenaar说。“我实在想不通人们拿它们做什么，因为它们立刻就会被认出是白色自行车啊”。但最 大的打击是Postbank决定放弃芯片卡，因为它无法盈利。“芯片卡是该系统的核心”，Molenaar说。“要想把项目继续下去，我们就需要设立另一套系统，但商业伙伴已经失去了兴趣”。

段落F

Schimmelpennink was disappointed,but–characteristically–not for long.In 2002 he got a call from the French advertising corporation JC Decaux,who wanted to set up his bike-sharing scheme in Vienna.‘That went really well.After Vienna,they set up a system in Lyon.Then in 2007,Paris followed.That was a decisive moment in the history of bike-sharing.’The huge and unexpected success of the Parisian bike-sharing programme,which now boasts more than 20,000 bicycles,inspired cities all over the world to set up their own schemes,all modelled on Schimmelpennink’s.‘It’s wonderful that this happened,’he says.‘But financially I didn’t really benefit from it,because I never filed for a patent.’

Schimmelpennik很失望，但性格决定了这种失望并没有持续很长时间。2002年，他接到法国广告公司JC Decaux的电话。该公司想要在维也纳设立一套他的共享单车系统。“该项目运行的十分顺利。维也纳之后，他们又在里昂建了了一套系统。随后，2007年，巴黎跟进。这在共享单车的历史上是决定性的一刻”。巴黎共享单车项目现在拥有20000多辆自行车。其巨大而又出人意料的成功激发全世界的城市纷纷建立他们自己的项目。而所有这些项目都以Schimmelpennink的为模板。“发生这一切真的太好了”，他说。“但从经济角度来说，我并没有从中获益，因为我一直都没有申请专利”。

段落G

In Amsterdam today,38%of all trips are made by bike and,along with Copenhagen,it is regarded as one of the two most cycle-friendly capitals in the world–but the city never got another Witte Fietsenplan.Molenaar believes this may be because everybody in Amsterdam already has a bike.Schimmelpennink,however,cannot see that this changes Amsterdam’s need for a bike-sharing scheme.‘People who travel on the underground don’t carry their bikes around.But often they need additional transport to reach their final destination.’Although he thinks it is strange that a city like Amsterdam does not have a successful bike-sharing scheme,he is optimistic about the future.‘In the’60s we didn’t stand a chance because people were prepared to give their lives to keep cars in the city.But that mentality has totally changed.Today everybody longs for cities that are not dominated by cars.’

如今阿姆斯特丹有38%的旅程都是通过自行车完成的。与哥本哈根一起，它被认为是世界上对骑行最为友好的两个首都之一–但该城市再未设立过另一个Witte Flietsenpan项目。Molenaar认为，这可能是因为阿姆斯特丹的每个居民都已经拥有自己的自行车。然而，Schimmelpennink并不认为这改变了阿姆斯特丹对共享单车项目的需求。“乘地铁出行的人无法抗着自己的自行车走来走去。但他们往往需要额外的交通工具才能抵达自己最终的目的地”。虽然他认为像阿姆斯特丹这样的城市没有成功的共享单车项目很奇怪，但他对未来十分乐观。“60年代的时候，我们没有丝毫机会，因为人们下定决心要在城市中保留汽车。但那种想法已经完全改变。今天每个人都期望城市不再被汽车所主宰”。

剑桥雅思14Test1Passage1阅读原文翻译The Importance of Children’s Play孩子玩耍的重要性

剑桥雅思14阅读第 一套题目第 一篇文章的主题为孩子玩耍的重要性。文章一共16段，大体可以分为3部分：第 一部分介绍过去游戏的重要性;第二部分介绍时代改变，人们不再重视游戏;第三部分介绍针对游戏最新的学术研究成果。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思14 Test1 Passage1阅读原文翻译

第1段

Brick by brick,six-year-old Alice is building a magical kingdom.Imagining fairy-tale turrets and fire-breathing dragons,wicked witches and gallant heroes,she’s creating an enchanting world.Although she isn’t aware of it,this fantasy is helping her take her first steps towards her capacity for creativity and so it will have important repercussions in her adult life.

一块积木又一块积木，六岁的Alice正在建造一个魔法王国。想象着童话故事中的塔楼和会喷火的巨龙，邪恶的巫师和勇敢的英雄。她正创建一个魅力十足的世界。虽然她自己并没有意识到，但这种幻想正帮助她向着创造力迈出最初的几步，从而对她成年之后的生活产生重要影响。

第2段

Minutes later,Alice has abandoned the kingdom in favour of playing schools with her younger brother.When she bosses him around as his‘teacher’,she’s practising how to regulate her emotions through pretence.Later on,when they tire of this and settle down with a board game,she’s learning about the need to follow rules and take turns with a partner.

几分钟后，Alice放弃了她的王国，开始跟她的弟弟玩假装上学的游戏。当她扮演老师，指挥她的弟弟团团转的时候，她在通过这种行为锻炼如何管理她的情绪。随后，他们玩腻了角色扮演，开始坐下来玩桌游。这时候，她在了解遵守规则以及与同伴轮流出手的需要。

第3段

‘Play in all its rich variety is one of the highest achievements of the human species,’says Dr David Whitebread from the Faculty of Education at the University of Cambridge,UK.‘It underpins how we develop as intellectual,problem-solving adults and is crucial to our success as a highly adaptable species.’

“形式极其丰富的游戏是人类最伟大的成就之一”，英国剑桥大学教育学院的David Whitebread博士说。“它为我们成长为有智慧，具备问题解决能力的成年人奠定基础，也对我们作为一个具备高度适应能力的物种的成功至关重要”。

第4段

Recognising the importance of play is not new:over two millennia ago,the Greek philosopher Plato extolled its virtues as a means of developing skills for adult life,and ideas about play-based learning have been developing since the 19th century.

认识到游戏的重要性并不是什么新鲜事：两千多年前，希腊哲学家柏拉图就赞美它的好处，认为它是为成年生活开发各项技能的手段。而寓教于乐的观念从19世纪就开始出现。

第5段

But we live in changing times,and Whitebread is mindful of a worldwide decline in play,pointing out that over half the people in the world now live in cities.‘The opportunities for free play,which I experienced almost every day of my childhood,are becoming increasingly scarce,’he says.Outdoor play is curtailed by perceptions of risk to do with traffic,as well as parents’increased wish to protect their children from being the victims of crime,and by the emphasis on‘earlier is better’which is leading to greater competition in academic learning and schools.

但我们生活在充满变化的时代。Whitebread注意到世界范围内游戏重要性的下降，指出世界上有超过一半的人口如今生活在城市之中。“自由玩耍的机会正变得越来越稀少，而我的童年则几乎每天都可以体验”，他说。户外嬉戏由于以下原因受到抑制：人们对交通风险的担忧，父母逐渐攀升、保护孩子不受犯罪侵害的希望，以及对越早越好观念的强调(这导致学术学习和学校中出现更为激烈的竞争)。

第6段

International bodies like the United Nations and the European Union have begun to develop policies concerned with children’s right to play,and to consider implications for leisure facilities and educational programmes.But what they often lack is the evidence to base policies on.

联合国与欧盟等国际机构已经开始着手制定一些关注儿童游戏权利的政策，并且考虑这对休闲设施和教育项目的影响。但他们所欠缺的是制定政策的依据。

第7段

‘The type of play we are interested in is child-initiated,spontaneous and unpredictable–but,as soon as you ask a five-year-old“to play”,then you as the researcher have intervened,’explains Dr Sara Baker.‘And we want to know what the long-term impact of play is.It’s a real challenge.’

“我们感兴趣的游戏类型是儿童自己创造的、自发进行的和不可预测的-但是，只要你让一个5岁的孩子玩耍，那么你作为研究人员就已经介入其中”，Sara Baker博士解释道。“我们想要了解的是玩耍的长期影响。这才是真正的挑战”。

第8段

Dr Jenny Gibson agrees,pointing out that although some of the steps in the puzzle of how and why play is important have been looked at,there is very little data on the impact it has on the child’s later life.

Jenny Gibson博士同意以上观点并指出，虽然在游戏有多么重要重要、以及为什么如此重要的这个谜题中，有一些阶段已经得到了研究，但在它对孩子日后生活的影响上，数据仍然十分稀少。

第9段

Now,thanks to the university’s new Centre for Research on Play in Education,Development and Learning(PEDAL),Whitebread,Baker,Gibson and a team of researchers hope to provide evidence on the role played by play in how a child develops.

现在，由于这所大学新成立了“教育发展学习型游戏研究中心，Whitebread,Baker,Gibson这些人和一支研究团队希望能够为游戏在儿童发展过程中所扮演的角色提供相关证据。

第10段

‘A strong possibility is that play supports the early development of children’s self-control,’explains Baker.‘This is our ability to develop awareness of our own thinking processes—it influences how effectively we go about undertaking challenging activities.’

“很有可能，游戏推动了儿童自我控制能力的早期发展”，Baker解释道。“这种能力使我们意识到自身的思考过程–它影响着我们从事有挑战活动的效果”。

第11段

In a study carried out by Baker with toddlers and young pre-schoolers,she found that children with greater self-control solved problems more quickly when exploring an unfamiliar set-up requiring scientific reasoning.‘This sort of evidence makes us think that giving children the chance to play will make them more successful problem-solvers in the long run.’

Baker在一项针对幼儿和学龄前儿童的研究中发现，具有更强自控能力的儿童在探索需要科学分析的陌生领域时，能够更加快速的解决问题。“此类证据让我们认为，从长远来看，给予儿童玩耍的机会会让他们成为更加成功的问题解决者”。

第12段

If playful experiences do facilitate this aspect of development,say the researchers,it could be extremely significant for educational practices,because the ability to self-regulate has been shown to be a key predictor of academic performance.

研究者们认为，如果玩耍经历确实能够促进这方面的发展，那么它对于教育实践就至关重要，因为已有证据证明，自控能力是学习成绩好坏的关键因素。

第13段

Gibson adds:‘Playful behaviour is also an important indicator of healthy social and emotional development.In my previous research,I investigated how observing children at play can give us important clues about their well-being and can even be useful in the diagnosis of neurodevelopmental disorders like autism.’

Gibson补充到：“玩耍行为也是社交和情感能力正常发展的重要指示。在之前的研究中，我曾调查过，观察玩耍中的儿童可以为我们提供他们健康状况的重要线索，甚至对诊断诸如自闭症这样的神经发展紊乱有所帮助”。

第14段

Whitebread’s recent research has involved developing a play-based approach to supporting children’s writing.‘Many primary school children find writing difficult,but we showed in a previous study that a playful stimulus was far more effective than an instructional one.’Children wrote longer and better-structured stories when they first played with dolls representing characters in the story.In the latest study,children first created their story with Lego*,with similar results.‘Many teachers commented that they had always previously had children saying they didn’t know what to write about.With the Lego building,however,not a single child said this through the whole year of the project.’

Whitebread最近的研究包括开发一种基于玩耍的方法来促进儿童写作能力的提升。“许多小学生觉得写作很难，但我们之前的一项研究显示，游戏性的刺激要比教育性的刺激有效很多”。当孩子第 一次跟代表故事中角色的玩偶玩耍时，他们就能写出更长、结构更好的故事来。在最新的研究中，首 次利用乐高玩具创作故事的儿童也展现出相同的结果。“许多老师表示，他们之前总是有孩子说自己不知道该写什么。但用了搭建乐高积木的方法之后，整整一年都没有任何一个孩子再这么说过了”。

第15段

Whitebread,who directs PEDAL,trained as a primary school teacher in the early 1970s,when,as he describes,‘the teaching of young children was largely a quiet backwater,untroubled by any serious intellectual debate or controversy.’Now,the landscape is very different,with hotly debated topics such as school starting age.

PEDAL中心的主任Whitebread在20世纪70年代早期接受过小学教师的培训。他这样描述当时的情况：“幼儿教育如同一潭死水一般，不会受到任何严肃学术讨论或者争议的影响”。现在的情况完全不同，出现了诸如上学年龄这样备受争论的问题。

第16段

‘Somehow the importance of play has been lost in recent decades.It’s regarded as something trivial,or even as something negative that contrasts with“work”.Let’s not lose sight of its benefits,and the fundamental contributions it makes to human achievements in the arts,sciences and technology.Let’s make sure children have a rich diet of play experiences.’

“不知为何，游戏玩耍在最近几十年变得不再重要。它被当成无关紧要的事情，或者与‘努力’相反的负面行为。但我们不可忽视其有益的地方。它对人类在艺术、科学和技术方面所取得的成就有着重要贡献。让我们确保孩子拥有丰富的玩耍体验大餐吧”。

剑桥雅思13Test4Passage3阅读原文翻译Book Review图书评论

剑桥雅思13阅读第四套题目第三篇文章的主题为一本关于积极心理学的书。文章一共六段，分别介绍了积极心理学的主要观点和作用，哲学家有关人类幸福的探讨，Bentham的主要工作，如何量化幸福，人的行为是否可塑，以及政府是否应该促进幸福等内容。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思13 Test4 Passage3阅读原文翻译

第1段

‘Happiness is the ultimate goal because it is self-evidently good.If we are asked why happiness matters we can give no further external reason.It just obviously does matter.’This pronouncement by Richard Layard,an economist and advocate of‘positive psychology’,summarises the beliefs of many people today.For Layard and others like him,it is obvious that the purpose of government is to promote a state of collective well-being.The only question is how to achieve it,and here positive psychology–a supposed science that not only identifies what makes people happy but also allows their happiness to be measured–can show the way.Equipped with this science,they say,governments can secure happiness in society in a way they never could in the past.

“幸福是最终目标，因为它不证自明就是好的。如果我们被问到为什么幸福重要，我们并不需要给出更进一步的外部理由。很明显，它就是很重要“。作为经济学家和积极心理学的倡导者，Richard Layard的这一言论概括了许多当代人的想法。对于Layard和其他像他一样的人来说，很明显，政府的目的是促进一种共同幸福的状态。唯 一的问题是如何实现它。而积极心理学则提供了路径。这门所谓的科学不仅界定什么会让人们感到幸福，而且还让他们的幸福可以被衡量。他们说，有了这门科学之后，政府就能够以一种前所未有的方式来确保社会幸福感。

第2段

It is an astonishingly crude and simple-minded way of thinking,and for that very reason increasingly popular.Those who think in this way are oblivious to the vast philosophical literature in which the meaning and value of happiness have been explored and questioned,and write as if nothing of any importance had been thought on the subject until it came to their attention.It was the philosopher Jeremy Bentham(1748-1832)who was more than anyone else responsible for the development of this way of thinking.For Bentham it was obvious that the human good consists of pleasure and the absence of pain.The Greek philosopher Aristotle may have identified happiness with self-realisation in the 4th century BC,and thinkers throughout the ages may have struggled to reconcile the pursuit of happiness with other human values,but for Bentham all this was mere metaphysics or fiction.Without knowing anything much of him or the school of moral theory he established–since they are by education and intellectual conviction illiterate in the history of ideas–our advocates of positive psychology follow in his tracks in rejecting as outmoded and irrelevant pretty much the entirety of ethical reflection on human happiness to date.

这种粗糙而简单的思考方式令人震惊。但正是因为这一原因，它越来越流行。那些以这种方式思考的人对丰富的哲学文献(在其中幸福的含义和价值已经被探索和拷问)视而不见，并且以一种在他们注意到该问题之前，其重要性从未被思考过的方式进行写作。哲学家Jeremy Bentham(1748-1832)比其他任何人都更应该为这种思考方式的发展负责。对于Bentham来说，很明显，人类的幸福包含愉悦以及痛苦的缺失。在公元前4世纪的时候，希腊哲学家亚里士多德或许认为幸福与自我实现有关。在其之后年代的哲学家似乎努力协调追求幸福与其他人类价值之间的关系。但对于Bentham来说，所有这些都是玄学或者虚构的东西。尽管对他自身以及他所建立的道德理论学派不甚了解(他们受到教育和确定信念的影响，对思想史一无所知)，积极心理学的倡导者追随他的足迹，认为到目前为止对人类幸福的所有道德反思都都已经过时并且毫不相关。

第3段

But as William Davies notes in his recent book The Happiness Industry,the view that happiness is the only self-evident good is actually a way of limiting moral inquiry.One of the virtues of this rich,lucid and arresting book is that it places the current cult of happiness in a well-defined historical framework.Rightly,Davies begins his story with Bentham,noting that he was far more than a philosopher.Davies writes,‘Bentham’s activities were those which we might now associate with a public sector management consultant’.In the 1790s,he wrote to the Home Office suggesting that the departments of government be linked together through a set of‘conversation tubes’,and to the Bank of England with a design for a printing device that could produce unforgeable banknotes.He drew up plans for a‘frigidarium’to keep provisions such as meat,fish,fruit and vegetables fresh.His celebrated design for a prison to be known as a‘Panopticon’,in which prisoners would be kept in solitary confinement while being visible at all times to the guards,was very nearly adopted.(Surprisingly,Davies does not discuss the fact that Bentham meant his Panopticon not just as a model prison but also as an instrument of control that could be applied to schools and factories.)

但正如Williams Davies在他最近的《幸福产业》一书中指出的那样，认为幸福是种不证自明的善实际上是一种限制道德追问的方式。这本书内容丰富，观点清晰且非常有趣。它的优点之一在于它将当下对幸福的狂热放入定义清晰的历史框架中。Davies恰如其分的以Bentham开始他的故事，指出他不仅仅是个哲学家。Davies写到：“我们现在或许会将Bentham的行为与一名公共部门管理顾问联系在一起。”。他在18世纪90年代给内政部写信，建议政府部门通过一组“对话管道”联系在一起。他还给英格兰银行写信，附带一份印刷装置的设计。该装置可以生产无法被伪造的纸币。他起草了“冷藏室”计划，以便保持肉类、鱼类、水果和蔬菜等饮食供应的新鲜。他设计的“圆形监狱”差一点就被采纳。在这里，犯人被囚禁在单独的牢房中，并一直可以被守卫看到(令人惊艳的是，Davies并没有讨论如下事实。Bentham认为他的圆形监狱不仅可以被当作监狱的模板，而且可以作为管控工具用于学校和工厂)。

第4段

Bentham was also a pioneer of the‘science of happiness’.If happiness is to be regarded as a science,it has to be measured,and Bentham suggested two ways in which this might be done.Viewing happiness as a complex of pleasurable sensations,he suggested that it might be quantified by measuring the human pulse rate.Alternatively,money could be used as the standard for quantification:if two different goods have the same price,it can be claimed that they produce the same quantity of pleasure in the consumer.Bentham was more attracted by the latter measure.By associating money so closely to inner experience,Davies writes,Bentham‘set the stage for the entangling of psychological research and capitalism that would shape the business practices of the twentieth century’.

Bentham也是幸福科学的首创者。如果幸福要被当作一门科学，它就必须可以被测量。Bentham提出两种可能的测量方式。将幸福看作一系列愉悦情绪的组合，他认为它或许可以通过测量人们的脉搏来进行量化。此外，金钱可以被当作量化的标准：如果两种物品价格相同，就可以说他们为顾客带来同等数量的快乐。Bentham更喜欢后一种测量方式。Davies写到，通过将金钱与内在体验紧紧的联系在一起，Bentham“为心理研究和资本主义的结合搭建舞台。而它们将塑造整个20世纪的商业实践”。

第5段

The Happiness Industry describes how the project of a science of happiness has become integral to capitalism.We learn much that is interesting about how economic problems are being redefined and treated as psychological maladies.In addition,Davies shows how the belief that inner states of pleasure and displeasure can be objectively measured has informed management studies and advertising.The tendency of thinkers such as J B Watson,the founder of behaviourism,was that human beings could be shaped,or manipulated,by policymakers and managers.Watson had no factual basis for his view of human action.When he became president of the American Psychological Association in 1915,he‘had never even studied a single human being’:his research had been confined to experiments on white rats.Yet Watson’s reductive model is now widely applied,with‘behaviour change’becoming the goal of governments:in Britain,a‘Behaviour Insights Team’has been established by the government to study how people can be encouraged,at minimum cost to the public purse,to live in what are considered to be socially desirable ways.

《幸福产业》描述了辛福科学如何成为资本主义不可或缺的一部分。我们会了解到许多关于经济问题如何被重新定义为心理问题并进行处理的有趣现象。此外，Dvaies还展示了愉悦或者不愉悦的内心状态可以被客观测量的想法是如何影响管理研究和广告的。诸如行为主义的创始人J B Watson这样的思想家认为，政策制定者或者管理者可以塑造或操控人类。Watson有关人类行为的观点并没有任何事实依据。当他在1915年成为美国心理协会主席的时候，他“从来都没有研究过任何一个人类个体”。他的研究局限于小白鼠实验。然而，随着“行为改变”成为政府的目标，Watson的简化模型现在被广泛使用。在英国，政府建立“行为透视团队”来研究如何用最少的公共资金来鼓励人们以一种社会认可的方式生活。

第6段

Modem industrial societies appear to need the possibility of ever-increasing happiness to motivate them in their labours.But whatever its intellectual pedigree,the idea that governments should be responsible for promoting happiness is always a threat to human freedom.

现代工业社会似乎需要幸福不断增长的可能性来激励其员工。但无论知识流派如何，政府应该负责推进幸福的观点总是构成对人类自由的威胁。

剑桥雅思13Test4Passage2阅读原文翻译Saving the soil拯救土壤

剑桥雅思13阅读第四套题目第二篇文章的主题为拯救土壤。文章一共十二段，大体可以分成三部分。前3段介绍土壤的重要性，中间2段介绍土壤破坏的影响，最后7段介绍保护土壤的各种措施和相应的问题。下面是具体每一段的原文翻译。

剑桥雅思13 Test4 Passage2阅读原文翻译

A部分

More than a third of the world’s soil is endangered,according to a recent UN report.If we don’t slow the decline,all farmable soil could be gone in 60 years.Since soil grows 95%of our food,and sustains human life in other more surprising ways,that is a huge problem.

根据一份近期的联合国报告，世界上有超过三分之一的土壤正在遭到破坏。如果我们不能减缓这一衰退的趋势，所有可供耕种的土壤会在60年内消失。由于土壤出产95%的食物，并以其他更让人惊讶的方式维系着人们的生活，所以这是个很大的问题。

B部分

Peter Groffman,from the Cary Institute of Ecosystem Studies in New York,points out that soil scientists have been warning about the degradation of the world’s soil for decades.At the same time,our understanding of its importance to humans has grown.A single gram of healthy soil might contain 100 million bacteria,as well as other microorganisms such as viruses and fungi,living amid decomposing plants and various minerals.

来自纽约卡里生态系统研究所的Peter Groffman指出，土壤科学家在过去数十年间一直在对世界土壤的退化发出警告。与此同时，我们关于土壤对人类重要性的理解也在增加。仅仅一克健康的土壤就可能包含1个亿的细菌和其他微生物，比如病毒和真菌。它们存在于腐烂的植物和各种矿物质中。

That means soils do not just grow our food,but are the source of nearly all our existing antibiotics,and could be our best hope in the fight against antibiotic-resistant bacteria.Soil is also an ally against climate change:as microorganisms within soil digest dead animals and plants,they lock in their carbon content,holding three times the amount of carbon as does the entire atmosphere.Soils also store water,preventing flood damage:in the UK,damage to buildings,roads and bridges from floods caused by soil degradation costs￡233 million every year.

这意味着土壤不仅仅出产我们的食物，它还是几乎所有现存抗生素的来源，并且是我们对抗耐药性细菌的最 大希望。土壤也是我们对抗气候变化的盟友。由于土壤中的微生物会消化死去的动物和植物，它们可以锁住动植物体内的碳成分，储存相当于整个大气层三倍的碳含量。土壤也可以储存水分，防止洪水的破坏。在英国，由于土壤退化而引发的洪水，对建筑物、道路和桥梁每年造成2330万英镑的损失。

C部分

If the soil loses its ability to perform these functions,the human race could be in big trouble.The danger is not that the soil will disappear completely,but that the microorganisms that give it its special properties will be lost.And once this has happened,it may take the soil thousands of years to recover.

如果土壤失去发挥这些功能的能力，人们会陷入巨大的麻烦中。这种危险不在于土壤会彻底消失，而是赋予它特殊性质的微生物会消失不见。一旦这种情况发生，土壤可能需要上千年的时间才能恢复。

Agriculture is by far the biggest problem.In the wild,when plants grow they remove nutrients from the soil,but then when the plants die and decay these nutrients are returned directly to the soil.Humans tend not to return unused parts of harvested crops directly to the soil to enrich it,meaning that the soil gradually becomes less fertile.In the past we developed strategies to get around the problem,such as regularly varying the types of crops grown,or leaving fields uncultivated for a season.

到目前为止，农业是最 大的问题。野外环境中，植物生长时会吸收土壤中的营养物质，但随后当植物死去腐烂，这些营养物质会直接回到土壤中。人类往往不会将收获庄稼的未使用部分直接返还给土壤来使其更加肥沃。这意味这土壤会逐渐变得贫瘠。过去，我们使用一些方法来规避这一问题，比如经常更换种植庄稼的种类，或者在一个季度中不对田地进行耕作。

D部分

But these practices became inconvenient as populations grew and agriculture had to be run on more commercial lines.A solution came in the early 20th century with the Haber-Bosch process for manufacturing ammonium nitrate.Farmers have been putting this synthetic fertiliser on their fields ever since.

但随着人口增长和农业变得更加商业化，这些操作不再可行。20世纪初期，随着制作硝铵酸的哈布二氏法的出现，人们找到了一种解决办法。自此之后，农民将这种合成化肥用于自己的田地中。

But over the past few decades,it has become clear this wasn’t such a bright idea.Chemical fertilisers can release polluting nitrous oxide into the atmosphere and excess is often washed away with the rain,releasing nitrogen into rivers.More recently,we have found that indiscriminate use of fertilisers hurts the soil itself,turning it acidic and salty,and degrading the soil they are supposed to nourish.

但在过去几十年里，人们发现这并不是一个聪明的主意。化学肥料会向大气中释放污染性的一氧化二氮。与此同时，其过量部分经常被雨水冲走，将氮元素带入河流。最近我们发现，不加区别的使用肥料会伤害土壤自身，使其变成酸性或者含盐度过高，让那些本来应该被滋养的土壤退化。

E部分

One of the people looking for a solution to this problem is Pius Floris,who started out running a tree-care business in the Netherlands,and now advises some of the world’s top soil scientists.He came to realise that the best way to ensure his trees flourished was to take care of the soil,and has developed a cocktail of beneficial bacteria,fungi and humus[Humus:the part of the soil formed from dead plant material]to do this.Researchers at the University of Valladolid in Spain recently used this cocktail on soils destroyed by years of fertiliser overuse.When they applied Floris’s mix to the desert-like test plots,a good crop of plants emerged that were not just healthy at the surface,but had roots strong enough to pierce dirt as hard as rock.The few plants that grew in the control plots,fed with traditional fertilisers,were small and weak.

Pius Floris在荷兰经营者一家树木护理公司，他是寻求这一问题解决办法的人之一，并为一些世界顶 级的土壤科学家提供建议。他意识到，确保其树木旺盛生长的最好办法是照顾好土壤。他开发了一种有益细菌、真菌和腐殖质的混合物来实现这一目的。西班牙巴利亚多利德大学的研究者们最近给一些因常年过度使用化肥而遭到破坏的土壤使用了这种混合物。当他们将Floris的混合物用在沙漠般的实验区域时，长出的植物不仅表面健康，而且还有足以穿透岩石版坚硬的泥土强壮根系。而种植在控制区域、施以传统化肥的少量植物则细小而脆弱。

F部分

However,measures like this are not enough to solve the global soil degradation problem.To assess our options on a global scale we first need an accurate picture of what types of soil are out there,and the problems they face.That’s not easy.For one thing,there is no agreed international system for classifying soil.In an attempt to unify the different approaches,the UN has created the Global Soil Map project.Researchers from nine countries are working together to create a map linked to a database that can be fed measurements from field surveys,drone surveys,satellite imagery,lab analyses and so on to provide real-time data on the state of the soil.Within the next four years,they aim to have mapped soils worldwide to a depth of 100 metres,with the results freely accessible to all.

然而，诸如此类的措施不足以解决全球性的土壤退化问题。要评估我们在全球范围内可以采取的措施，我们首先需要各种土壤类型以及它们所面临问题的准确图像。这不简单。首先，对于土壤分类而言，并没有统一的国际体系。为了整合不同的方法，联合国建立了全球土壤地图项目。来自九个国家的研究者互相合作，建立一张与数据库相连接的地图。它可以获得来自实地考察、无人机调查、卫星图像、实验室分析等方式的测量数据，以提供有关土壤状态的实时数据。在接下来的四年里，他们的目标是绘制世界范围深度在100米以内的土壤地图。所有人都可以免费使用其成果。

G部分

But this is only a first step.We need ways of presenting the problem that bring it home to governments and the wider public,says Pamela Chasek at the International Institute for Sustainable Development,in Winnipeg,Canada.‘Most scientists don’t speak language that policy-makers can understand,and vice versa.’Chasek and her colleagues have proposed a goal of‘zero net land degradation’.Like the idea of carbon neutrality,it is an easily understood target that can help shape expectations and encourage action.

但这仅仅是第 一步。我们需要能让政府和更广大的公众意识到这一问题的呈现方法，来自加拿大温尼伯国际可持续发展研究所的Pamela Chasek说。“大多数科学家所使用的语言并不能为政策制定者所理解，反过来也是如此”。Chasek和她的同事提出“净土地退化为零”的目标。就像碳平衡的理念一样，它是一个非常容易被理解的目标，能够帮助塑造人们的期待，并鼓励具体行动。

For soils on the brink,that may be too late.Several researchers are agitating for the immediate creation of protected zones for endangered soils.One difficulty here is defining what these areas should conserve:areas where the greatest soil diversity is present?Or areas of unspoilt soils that could act as a future benchmark of quality?

对于处在衰退边缘的土壤来说，这可能为时已晚。数名研究者呼吁立即为受损害的土壤建立保护区。其难点在于定义这些区域应该保护什么：是哪些目前呈现出最 高土壤多样性的地区?还是那些尚未遭到破坏，可以作为未来质量标准的地区呢?

Whatever we do,if we want our soils to survive,we need to take action now.

无论我们做什么，如果我们想要土壤继续存活下去的话，我们需要立刻开始行动。

剑桥雅思13Test4Passage1阅读原文翻译Cutty Sark:the fastest sailing ship of all time卡蒂萨克号帆船

剑桥雅思13阅读第四套题目第 一篇文章的主题为卡蒂萨克号帆船。文章一共11段，大体可以分为两部分。前2段介绍卡蒂萨克号诞生的背景，后面9段按照时间顺序介绍其名字的来历，制作过程，更换船长，最终被用于公开展览等事件。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思13 Test4 Passage1阅读原文翻译

第1段

The nineteenth century was a period of great technological development in Britain,and for shipping the major changes were from wind to steam power,and from wood to iron and steel.

英国在19世纪经历了巨大的技术发展。对于航运行业而言，最主要的改变是从利用风能变成了利用蒸汽能，从木材作为原材料转向使用钢铁。

第2段

The fastest commercial sailing vessels of all time were clippers,three-masted ships built to transport goods around the world,although some also took passengers.From the 1840s until 1869,when the Suez Canal opened and steam propulsion was replacing sail,clippers dominated world trade.Although many were built,only one has survived more or less intact:Cutty Sark,now on display in Greenwich,southeast London.

史上最快的商业帆船是快速帆船。这种三桅杆的船舶被建造出来在世界各地运送货物，虽然有时候也搭载乘客。从19世纪40年代到1869年(该年苏伊士运河开通，蒸汽动力取代风帆)，快速帆船一直主导着世界贸易。虽然人们建造了许多船只，但只有一艘或多或少完整的保存了下来：卡蒂萨克号。它如今被陈列在伦敦东南部的格林威治。

第3段

Cutty Sark’s unusual name comes from the poem Tam O’Shanter by the Scottish poet Robert Bums.Tam,a farmer,is chased by a witch called Nannie,who is wearing a‘cutty sark’–an old Scottish name for a short nightdress.The witch is depicted in Cutty Sark’s figurehead–the carving of a woman typically at the front of old sailing ships.In legend,and in Bums’s poem,witches cannot cross water,so this was a rather strange choice of name for a ship.

卡蒂萨克号这一不同寻常的名字来自于苏格兰诗人Robert Bums的诗歌Tam O’Shanter。Tam是一个农夫，被一名叫做Nannie的女巫追逐。女巫穿着“卡蒂萨克”，一种古老的苏格兰短款睡衣的名字。女巫的形象被用于卡蒂萨克号的船首雕像中-帆船前面通常都使用女性雕像。传说中，以及Bums的诗歌中，女巫无法穿过水域，因此对于船只来说，选择这一名字十分奇怪。

第4段

Cutty Sark was built in Dumbarton,Scotland,in 1869,for a shipping company owned by John Willis.To carry out construction,Willis chose a new shipbuilding firm,Scott&Linton,and ensured that the contract with them put him in a very strong position.In the end,the firm was forced out of business,and the ship was finished by a competitor.

卡蒂萨克号于1869年在苏格兰的登巴顿为一家属于John Willis的航运公司建造。为了完成建造工作，Willis选择了一家新的造船厂，Scott&Linton，并确保在于他们的合同中处于优势地位。最终，这家工厂被迫破产，船只最终由其竞争者完成。

第5段

Willis’s company was active in the tea trade between China and Britain,where speed could bring shipowners both profits and prestige,so Cutty Sark was designed to make the journey more quickly than any other ship.On her maiden voyage,in 1870,she set sail from London,carrying large amounts of goods to China.She returned laden with tea,making the journey back to London in four months.However,Cutty Sark never lived up to the high expectations of her owner,as a result of bad winds and various misfortunes.On one occasion,in 1872,the ship and a rival clipper,Thermopylae,left port in China on the same day.Crossing the Indian Ocean,Cutty Sark gained a lead of over 400 miles,but then her rudder was severely damaged in stormy seas,making her impossible to steer.The ship’s crew had the daunting task of repairing the rudder at sea,and only succeeded at the second attempt.Cutty Sark reached London a week after Thermopylae.

Willis的公司在中国与英国的茶叶贸易中十分活跃。在这种贸易中，速度会给船主带来利润和声望，因此卡蒂萨克号被设计出来就是为了使其航程比其他任何船只都快。她于1870年首航，从英国出发，带着大量的物品前往中国。然后转载茶叶返航，在4个月内回到伦敦。然而，由于糟糕的风向和各种不幸，卡蒂萨克号从来都没有达到过其主人的预期。1872年，有一次卡蒂萨克号和另一艘帆船Thermopylae在同一天离开中国港口。在穿过印度洋的过程中，卡蒂萨克号领先400多英里，但随后她的船舵在波涛汹涌的大海中严重损害，使其无法操控。船员不得不在海上进行修理船舵这一令人气馁的工作，并在第二次尝试中才成功。卡蒂萨克号于Thermopylae一周后到达伦敦。

第6段

Steam ships posed a growing threat to clippers,as their speed and cargo capacity increased.In addition,the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869,the same year that Cutty Sark was launched,had a serious impact.While steam ships could make use of the quick,direct route between the Mediterranean and the Red Sea,the canal was of no use to sailing ships,which needed the much stronger winds of the oceans,and so had to sail a far greater distance.Steam ships reduced the journey time between Britain and China by approximately two months.

随着蒸汽船速度和运载量的提升，它对快速帆船的威胁越来越大。此外，1869年(卡蒂萨克号在同一年下水)苏伊士运河的开通也有很大的影响。蒸汽船可以利用这一地中海和红海之间快速直接的通道，但运河对于帆船来说却毫无用处。帆船需要大海更强的风力，因此不得不航行更远的距离。蒸汽船将英国和中国之间的航程缩短了将近两个月。

第7段

By 1878,tea traders weren’t interested in Cutty Sark,and instead,she took on the much less prestigious work of carrying any cargo between any two ports in the world.In 1880,violence aboard the ship led ultimately to the replacement of the captain with an incompetent drunkard who stole the crew’s wages.He was suspended from service,and a new captain appointed.This marked a turnaround and the beginning of the most successful period in Cutty Sark’s working life,transporting wool from Australia to Britain.One such journey took just under 12 weeks,beating every other ship sailing that year by around a month.

到了1878年，卡蒂萨克号不再受到茶叶贸易者的青睐。相反，她承担起一些不那么重要的工作，在世界任意两个港口间运送各种货物。1880年，船只上发生的暴力冲突最终导致船长被更换。他是一名能力不足，并且偷窃船员工资的醉汉。他被吊销工作，并任命了一位新船长。这意味着转机的到来。卡蒂萨克号开启了服役以来最为成功的一段时期，将羊毛从澳大利亚运送到英国。一次这样的航行只需要不到12周的时间，比当年任何其他船只都要快上大约一个月。

第8段

The ship’s next captain,Richard Woodget,was an excellent navigator,who got the best out of both his ship and his crew.As a sailing ship,Cutty Sark depended on the strong trade winds of the southern hemisphere,and Woodget took her further south than any previous captain,bringing her dangerously close to icebergs off the southern tip of South America.His gamble paid off,though,and the ship was the fastest vessel in the wool trade for ten years.

船只的下一任船长Richard Woodget是一名出色的领航员，将船舶和船员最好的潜力都激发了出来。作为一艘帆船，卡蒂萨克号依赖南半球强烈的季风，而Woodget则将它带到了比之前任何船长都更南的地方，接近南美洲南段危险的冰川。然而，他的冒险得到了回报，在十年的时间里，卡蒂萨克号是羊毛贸易中最快的船只。

第9段

As competition from steam ships increased in the 1890s,and Cutty Sark approached the end of her life expectancy,she became less profitable.She was sold to a Portuguese firm,which renamed her Ferreira.For the next 25 years,she again carried miscellaneous cargoes around the world.

由于19世纪90年代来自蒸汽船竞争的加剧，再加上卡蒂萨克号接近其寿命的末期，她不再有那么强的盈利能力。她被卖给一家葡萄牙公司，并被重新命名为Ferreira。在接下来的25年里，她再次在世界各地运送各种各样的货物。

第10段

Badly damaged in a gale in 1922,she was put into Falmouth harbour in southwest England,for repairs.Wilfred Dowman,a retired sea captain who owned a training vessel,recognised her and tried to buy her,but without success.She returned to Portugal and was sold to another Portuguese company.Dowman was determined,however,and offered a high price:this was accepted,and the ship returned to Falmouth the following year and had her original name restored.

她在1922年的一场大风中受到严重损坏，被送到英格兰西南部的法尔茅斯港进行修理。Wilfred Dowman，一名拥有一艘训练船只的退休船长认出了她，并尝试买下来，但没有成功。她回到葡萄牙，被卖给了另外一家葡萄牙公司。然而，Dowman决心已定，并给了高价。价格被对方接受。一年后，船只回到法尔茅斯并恢复使用她最初的名字。

第11段

Dowman used Cutty Sark as a training ship,and she continued in this role after his death.When she was no longer required,in 1954,she was transferred to dry dock at Greenwich to go on public display.The ship suffered from fire in 2007,and again,less seriously,in 2014,but now Cutty Sark attracts a quarter of a million visitors a year.

Dowman将Cutty Sark当作训练船使用。而她在他死后依然扮演着这样的角色。但她在1954年不再被需要之后，她被转移到格林威治的干船坞用于公众展览。2007年，这艘船遭遇火灾，并在2014年的时候再次经历了一场不太严重的火灾。如今她每年都吸引25万游客去参观。

剑桥雅思13Test3Passage3阅读原文翻译Whatever happened to the Harappan Civilisation哈拉帕文明的衰落

剑桥雅思13阅读第三套题目第三篇文章的主题为哈拉帕文明的衰落。文章一共8段，大体可以分为三部分：前两段作为引子描述哈拉帕城衰落前的景象，中间五段探索其衰落的原因，最后一段表明国王研究读当前社会的意义。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思13 Test3 Passage3阅读原文翻译

段落A

The Harappan Civilisation of ancient Pakistan and India flourished 5,000 years ago,but a thousand years later their cities were abandoned.The Harappan Civilisation was a sophisticated Bronze Age society who built‘megacities’and traded internationally in luxury craft products,and yet seemed to have left almost no depictions of themselves.But their lack of self-imagery–at a time when the Egyptians were carving and painting representations of themselves all over their temples–is only part of the mystery.

古巴基斯坦和印度的哈拉帕文明曾在5000年前十分繁荣，但1000年之后，他们的城市便被遗弃。哈拉帕文明是一个先进的青铜时代社会。它建造起大型城市，并进行奢华工艺品的国际贸易，然而它似乎并未留下什么有关自身的描述。但这一自我形象描绘的缺失-同一时代中，埃及人在他们的庙宇各处雕刻和绘制自身的象征-仅仅是谜团的一部分。

段落B

‘There is plenty of archaeological evidence to tell us about the rise of the Harappan Civilisation,but relatively little about its fall,’explains archaeologist Dr Cameron Petrie of the University of Cambridge.‘As populations increased,cities were built that had great baths,craft workshops,palaces and halls laid out in distinct sectors.Houses were arranged in blocks,with wide main streets and narrow alleyways,and many had their own wells and drainage systems.It was very much a“thriving”civilisation”.Then around 2100 BC,a transformation began.Streets went uncleaned,buildings started to be abandoned,and ritual structures fell out of use.After their final demise,a millennium passed before really large-scale cities appeared once more in South Asia.

“有充足的考古证据告诉我们哈拉帕文明的崛起，但相比之下，很少有关于其衰落的证据”，剑桥大学考古学家Cameron Petrie博士解释到。“随着人口增长，他们建造起大型浴池、手工艺品作坊、宫殿和会堂分布于不同区域的城市。房屋按照街区布置，配备宽阔的主干道和狭窄的小巷。许多有着自己的水井和排水系统。它是一个十分繁荣的文明。随后，在公元前2100年左右，情况开始发生变化。街道不再干净，建筑物开始被遗弃，仪式建筑不再被使用。在它们最终衰落之后，过了一千年才有真正的大型城市再次出现在南亚地区。

段落C

Some have claimed that major glacier-fed rivers changed their course,dramatically affecting the water supply and agriculture;or that the cities could not cope with an increasing population,they exhausted their resource base,the trading economy broke down or they succumbed to invasion and conflict;and yet others that climate change caused an environmental change that affected food and water provision.‘It is unlikely that there was a single cause for the decline of the civilisation.But the fact is,until now,we have had little solid evidence from the area for most of the key elements,’said Petrie.‘A lot of the archaeological debate has really only been well-argued speculation.’

一些人认为，巨大的冰川河流改变河道，对其供水和农业产生显著影响;或者城市无法应对日益增长的人口。他们耗尽资源储备，贸易经济体系崩溃，或者屈从于入侵和战争。然而，其他人认为(其衰落的原因在于)气候变化引发的环境改变影响了食物和水资源的供应。“不太可能是单一的因素引发该文明的衰落。但事实是，直到现在，我们在这一地区对一些关键要素没有什么确凿的证据”，Petrie说。“许多考古争论仅仅一些论证充分的推测而已”。

段落D

A research team led by Petrie,together with Dr Ravindanath Singh of Banaras Hindu University in India,found early in their investigations that many of the archaeological sites were not where they were supposed to be,completely altering understanding of the way that this region was inhabited in the past.When they carried out a survey of how the larger area was settled in relation to sources of water,they found inaccuracies in the published geographic locations of ancient settlements ranging from several hundred metres to many kilometres.They realised that any attempts to use the existing data were likely to be fundamentally flawed.Over the course of several seasons of fieldwork they carried out new surveys,finding an astonishing 198 settlement sites that were previously unknown.

Petrie领导的研究团队，与印度贝拿勒斯印度教大学的Ravindanath Singh一起，在他们调查的早期发现许多考古遗址并不位于他们应该在的地方。这完全改变了人们对于该区域曾经聚居方式的理解。当他们调查完更大区域与水资源的关系之后，他们发现已经发布的古老定居点的位置存在着几百米到几千米不等的误差。他们意识到，任何使用现存数据的尝试可能从根本上就是存在缺陷的。在几个季度的实地考察中，他们进行了新的调查，令人惊讶地发现了198个之前不为人知的聚居地。

段落E

Now,research published by Dr Yama Dixit and Professor David Hodell,both from Cambridge’s Department of Earth Sciences,has provided the first definitive evidence for climate change affecting the plains of north-western India,where hundreds of Harappan sites are known to have been situated.The researchers gathered shells of Melanoides tuberculata snails from the sediments of an ancient lake and used geochemical analysis as a means of tracing the climate history of the region.‘As today,the major source of water into the lake is likely to have been the summer monsoon,’says Dixit.‘But we have observed that there was an abrupt change about 4,100 years ago,when the amount of evaporation from the lake exceeded the rainfall–indicative of a drought.’Hodell adds:‘We estimate that the weakening of the Indian summer monsoon climate lasted about 200 years before recovering to the previous conditions,which we still see today.’

如今，一项由剑桥大学地球科学系的Yama Dixit博士和Divid Hodell教授发布的研究提供了气候变化影响西北部印度平原的切实证据。那里曾经是数百个哈拉帕定居点的所在地。研究者们在一个古代湖泊的沉积物中发现了瘤拟黑螺的贝壳，并使用地球化学的分析方法来追溯该地区的气候历史。“正如今天一样，涌入湖泊的水源似乎主要来自夏季季风”，Dixit说。“但我们观察到，4100年前曾有过一次突然的变化。当时湖泊的蒸发量超过了降水量。这预示着干旱的发生”。Hodell补充到：“我们估计，印度夏季季风气候的减弱持续了大约200年，随后才恢复到之前的、我们如今仍能看到的状况。

段落F

It has long been thought that other great Bronze Age civilisations also declined at a similar time,with a global-scale climate event being seen as the cause.While it is possible that these local-scale processes were linked,the real archaeological interest lies in understanding the impact of these larger-scale events on different environments and different populations.‘Considering the vast area of the Harappan Civilisation with its variable weather systems,’explains Singh,‘it is essential that we obtain more climate data from areas close to the two great cities at Mohenjodaro and Harappa and also from the Indian Punjab.’

长久以来，人们认为其他伟大的青铜时代文明也在相似的时间里出现衰落，而全球范围的气候变化被视为罪魁祸首。虽然这些地区规模的事件可能存在联系，但真正的考古兴趣在于理解这些大规模事件对不同环境和不同人口的影响。”考虑到哈拉帕文明广大的地域，以及其多变的天气系统”，Singh解释到，“我们从摩亨佐达罗和哈拉帕这两座大型城市以及印度旁遮普周围的地区获取更多气候数据是十分必要的”。

段落G

Petrie and Singh’s team is now examining archaeological records and trying to understand details of how people led their lives in the region five millennia ago.They are analysing grains cultivated at the time,and trying to work out whether they were grown under extreme conditions of water stress,and whether they were adjusting the combinations of crops they were growing for different weather systems.They are also looking at whether the types of pottery used,and other aspects of their material culture,were distinctive to specific regions or were more similar across larger areas.This gives us insight into the types of interactive networks that the population was involved in,and whether those changed.

Petrie和Singh的团队现在正在研究考古记录，试图理解5千年前人们在该区域生活的具体细节。他们分析当时培育的谷物，尝试弄清楚它们是否生长在极端的水压情况下，以及人们是否根据不同的天气系统调整种植谷物的组合方式。他们同样研究人们所使用的陶器种类，以及其他方面的物质文化，判断它们是特定区域所独有的，还是在更大范围的区域中都十分相似。这使得我们可以深入理解人们之间的互动模式，以及它们是否发生过变化。

段落H

Petrie believes that archaeologists are in a unique position to investigate how past societies responded to environmental and climatic change.‘By investigating responses to environmental pressures and threats,we can learn from the past to engage with the public,and the relevant governmental and administrative bodies,to be more proactive in issues such as the management and administration of water supply,the balance of urban and rural development,and the importance of preserving cultural heritage in the future.’

Petrie认为，考古学家在调查古代社会如何应对环境与气候变化方面处于独特的位置。“通过调查对环境压力和威胁的应对方式，我们可以向过去的人们学习，从而与公众、相关政府部门以及行政机关沟通，在水资源管理、城乡平衡发展、以及文化遗产保护的重要性等问题上变得更加主动。