剑桥雅思8Test2阅读Passage3原文翻译The meaning and power of smell气味的意义与力量

剑桥雅思8阅读第二套题目第三篇文章的主题为气味的意义与力量。文章共分为6段，分别介绍了气味与感觉之间的联系，在人际关系中的作用，为什么它不受重视，讨论气味的难点，未来对气味的研究，以及气味在定义人群中的作用。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思8 Test2 Passage 3阅读原文翻译

引言

The sense of smell,or olfaction,is powerful.Odours affect us on a physical,psychological and social level.For the most part,however,we breathe in the aromas which surround us without being consciously aware of their importance to us.It is only when the faculty of smell is impaired for some reason that we begin to realise the essential role the sense of smell plays in our sense of well-being

嗅觉很强。气味会在身体，心理和社会层面上影响我们。然而，在大多数情况下，我们会呼吸周围的香气，却没有意识到它们对我们的重要性。只有当嗅觉能力因某种原因而受损时，我们才开始意识到嗅觉在我们的幸福感中所起的至关重要的作用。

自然段A

A survey conducted by Anthony Synott at Montreal’s Concordia University asked participants to comment on how important smell was to them in their lives.It became apparent that smell can evoke strong emotional responses.A scent associated with a good experience can bring a rush of joy,while a foul odour or one associated with a bad memory may make us grimace with disgust.Respondents to the survey noted that many of their olfactory likes and dislikes were based on emotional associations.Such associations can be powerful enough so that odours that we would generally label unpleasant become agreeable,and those that we would generally consider fragrant become disagreeable for particular individuals.The perception of smell,therefore,consists not only of the sensation of the odours themselves,but of the experiences and emotions associated with them.

一项由蒙特利尔康科迪亚大学的Anthony Synott所进行的研究，请参与者评论气味在他们的日常生活中有多么重要。很明显，气味会引起强烈的情感反应。与良好体验相关的气味会带来喜悦，而难闻的气味或与不良记忆相关的气味可能使我们感到厌恶。接受调查的受访者指出，他们的许多嗅觉喜好都基于情感联系。这种关联足够强大，哪怕是我们普遍认为不愉悦的气味也会变得可以接受，而那些我们普遍认为芳香的气味也会也因为特定的人而变得令人不快。因此，嗅觉不仅包括气味本身的感觉，还包括与之相关的经验和情感。

自然段B

Odours are also essential cues in social bonding.One respondent to the survey believed that there is no true emotional bonding without touching and smelling a loved one.In fact,infants recognise the odours of their mothers soon after birth and adults can often identify their children or spouses by scent.In one well-known test,women and men were able to distinguish by smell alone clothing worn by their marriage partners from similar clothing worn by other people.Most of the subjects would probably never have given much thought to odour as a cue for identifying family members before being involved in the test,but as the experiment revealed,even when not consciously considered,smells register.

气味也是社交联系中必不可少的线索。一位接受调查的受访者认为，没有触摸和闻到爱人的气味，就没有真正的情感联系。实际上，婴儿在出生后不久便会认出母亲的气味，而成年人通常可以通过气味识别孩子或配偶。在一项众所周知的测试中，男女能够单独通过气味区分其配偶所穿的衣服与其他人所穿的相似衣物。大多数受试者在参与测试之前可能从来没有考虑过气味作为识别家庭成员的线索，但是正如实验所揭示的，即使没有有意识地考虑，气味仍然会有印记。

自然段C

In spite of its importance to our emotional and sensory lives,smell is probably the most undervalued sense in many cultures.The reason often given for the low regard in which smell is held is that,in comparison with its importance among animals,the human sense of smell is feeble and undeveloped.While it is true that the olfactory powers of humans are nothing like as fine as those possessed by certain animals,they are still remarkably acute.Our noses are able to recognise thousands of smells,and to perceive odours which are present only in extremely small quantities.

尽管气味对我们的情感和感官生活很重要，但它可能是许多文化中最被低估的感觉。人们经常不重视气味的原因是，与它在动物中的重要性相比，人类的嗅觉微弱并且不发达。虽然人类的嗅觉能力确实不如某些动物所拥有的嗅觉能力强，但它们仍然非常敏锐。我们的鼻子能够识别成千上万种气味，并能感知到极少量的气味。

自然段D

Smell,however,is a highly elusive phenomenon.Odours,unlike colours,for instance,cannot be named in many languages because the specific vocabulary simply doesn’t exist.‘It smells like...,‘we have to say when describing an odour,struggling to express our olfactory experience.Nor can odours be recorded:there is no effective way to either capture or store them over time.In the realm of olfaction,we must make do with descriptions and recollections.This has implications for olfactory research.

然而，气味是一种高度难以捉摸的现象。例如，与颜色不同，因为特定的词汇根本就不存在，气味在许多语言中无法被命名。“它闻起来像…”，我们在描述气味时必须这么说，努力表达我们的嗅觉体验。同时，我们也无法记录气味：没有有效的方法可以捕获或长时间存储它们。在嗅觉领域，我们只能依赖描述和回忆。这对嗅觉研究有影响。

自然段E

Most of the research on smell undertaken to date has been of a physical scientific nature.Significant advances have been made in the understanding of the biological and chemical nature of olfaction,but many fundamental questions have yet to be answered.Researchers have still to decide whether smell is one sense or two–one responding to odours proper and the other registering odourless chemicals in the air.Other unanswered questions are whether the nose is the only part of the body affected by odours,and how smells can be measured objectively given the nonphysical components.Questions like these mean that interest in the psychology of smell is inevitably set to play an increasingly important role for researchers.

迄今为止，大多数有关气味的研究都是物理学性质的。在了解嗅觉的生物学和化学本质方面已取得重大进展，但许多基本问题尚待解答。研究人员仍需确定气味是一种感觉还是两种感觉-一种是对适当气味的响应，另一种是记录空气中无味的化学物质。其他未解决的问题是，鼻子是否是受气味影响的唯 一身体部位，以及在非实体的情况下如何客观地测量气味。诸如此类的问题意味着，对嗅觉心理学的兴趣将不可避免地对研究人员发挥越来越重要的作用。

自然段F

However,smell is not simply a biological and psychological phenomenon.Smell is cultural,hence it is a social and historical phenomenon.Odours are invested with cultural values:smells that are considered to be offensive in some cultures may be perfectly acceptable in others.Therefore,our sense of smell is a means of,and model for,interacting with the world.Different smells can provide us with intimate and emotionally charged experiences and the value that we attach to these experiences is interiorised by the members of society in a deeply personal way.Importantly,our commonly held feelings about smells can help distinguish us from other cultures.The study of the cultural history of smell is,therefore,in a very real sense,an investigation into the essence of human culture.

但是，气味不仅仅是一种生物学和心理现象。气味是文化的，因此它也是一种社会和历史现象。气味蕴含文化价值：在某些文化中被认为惹人讨厌的气味在另外一些文化中则完全可以被接受。因此，我们的嗅觉是与世界互动的手段和模型。不同的气味能为我们提供亲密和充满激情的体验，而附加在这些体验之上的价值被社会成员以一种非常私人化的方式内化。重要的是，我们对气味的普遍理解可以帮助我们将自身与其他文化区分开来。因此，从真正意义上讲，对气味文化历史的研究是对人类文化本质的研究。

剑桥雅思8Test2阅读Passage2原文翻译the little ice age小冰期/小冰河时代

剑桥雅思8阅读第二套题目第二篇文章的主题为小冰期/小冰河时代。文章共分为6段，分别介绍了气候变化的历史和人类的应对，小冰期的定义和作用，确定过去气候条件的方法，公元900年至1200年间的气候状况，小冰期对欧洲的影响，以及人类活动对气候的影响。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思8 Test2 Passage2阅读原文翻译

A部分

This book will provide a detailed examination of the Little Ice Age and other climatic shifts,but,before I embark on that,let me provide a historical context.We tend to think of climate–as opposed to weather–as something unchanging,yet humanity has been at the mercy of climate change for its entire existence,with at least eight glacial episodes in the past 730,000 years.Our ancestors adapted to the universal but irregular global warming since the end of the last great Ice Age,around 10,000years ago,with dazzling opportunism.They developed strategies for surviving harsh drought cycles,decades of heavy rainfall or unaccustomed cold;adopted agriculture and stock-raising,which revolutionised human life;and founded the world’s first pre-industrial civilisations in Egypt,Mesopotamia and the Americas.But the price of sudden climate change,in famine,disease and suffering,was often high.

本书将详细探讨小冰河时代和其他气候变化，但在我着手探讨之前，请让我先描述一下历史背景。我们倾向于将气候(与天气相对)视为不变的东西，但是人类在整个生存过程中一直受气候变化的支配。在过去的730000年中至少发生了八次冰川事件。自大约十万年前上一个大冰河时代结束以来，我们的祖先以令人眼花缭乱的机会主义适应了普遍但不规则的全球变暖。他们制定了应对严酷干旱，数十年暴雨或令人不适的严寒的策略;采用农业和畜牧业彻底改变了人类生活;并在埃及，美索不达米亚和美洲建立了世界上第 一批前工业化文明。但突然的气候变化所造成的代价(饥荒，疾病和苦难)往往很高。

B部分

The Little Ice Age lasted from roughly 1300 until the middle of the nineteenth century.Only two centuries ago,Europe experienced a cycle of bitterly cold winters;mountain glaciers in the Swiss Alps were the lowest in recorded memory,and pack ice surrounded Iceland for much of the year.The climatic events of the Little Ice Age did more than help shape the modern world.They are the deeply important context for the current unprecedented global warming.The Little Ice Age was far from a deep freeze,however;rather an irregular seesaw of rapid climatic shifts,few lasting more than a quarter-century,driven by complex and still little understood interactions between the atmosphere and the ocean.The seesaw brought cycles of intensely cold winters and easterly winds,then switched abruptly to years of heavy spring and early summer rains,mild winters,and frequent Atlantic storms,or to periods of droughts,light northeasterly winds,and summer heat waves.

小冰河时代大约从1300持续到19世纪中叶。仅仅两个世纪前，欧洲经历了严寒的冬季。瑞士阿尔卑斯山的高山冰川处于有记录以来的最 低点，而冰块在一年中的大部分时间里都包围着冰岛。小冰河时代的气候事件不仅仅帮助塑造了现代世界。它们还是当前全球变暖的极为重要的背景。然而，小冰河世纪并非极度寒冷，而是一种不规则的、交互的迅速气候变化。它们的持续时间很少超过四分之一世纪，由大气与海洋之间复杂而我们又知之甚少的相互作用驱动。它带来周期性的寒冷冬季和东风，然后突然转变为多年的漫长春季，初夏降雨，温和冬季和频繁的大西洋风暴，或者转为干旱，东北风和夏季热浪。

C部分

Reconstructing the climate changes of the past is extremely difficult,because systematic weather observations began only a few centuries ago,in Europe and North America.Records from India and tropical Africa are even more recent.For the time before records began,we have only‘proxy records’reconstructed largely from tree rings and ice cores,supplemented by a few incomplete written accounts.We now have hundreds of tree-ring records from throughout the northern hemisphere,and many from south of the equator,too,amplified with a growing body of temperature data from ice cores drilled in Antarctica,Greenland,the Peruvian Andes,and other locations.We are close to a knowledge of annual summer and winter temperature variations over much of the northern hemisphere going back 600 years.

重构过去的气候变化极为困难，因为系统的天气观测仅在几个世纪前才在欧洲和北美开始。来自印度和热带非洲的记录就更近了。在记录开始之前的时间里，我们仅能从年轮和冰芯中重建“代理记录”，并辅以一些不完整的书面记录。现在，我们有来自整个北半球的数百个年轮记录，而且也有来自赤道以南的许多年轮记录。它们与来自南极，格陵兰，秘鲁安第斯山脉和其他地区的冰芯温度数据一起增长。我们就快知道北半球过去600年间每年夏季和冬季的温度变化。

D部分

This book is a narrative history of climatic shifts during the past ten centuries,and some of the ways in which people in Europe adapted to them.Part One describes the Medieval Warm Period,roughly 900 to 1200.During these three centuries,Norse voyagers from Northern Europe explored northern seas,settled Greenland,and visited North America.It was not a time of uniform warmth,for then,as always since the Great Ice Age,there were constant shifts in rainfall and temperature.Mean European temperatures were about the same as today,perhaps slightly cooler.

这本书是过去十个世纪气候变化与欧洲人适应气候变化方法的叙事历史。第 一部分描述了从大约900至1200年的中世纪温暖时期。在这三个世纪中，来自北欧的挪威航海家们探索了北海，在格陵兰定居，并访问了北美。那不是一个一直温暖的时期。自从大冰河世纪以来，降雨量和温度一直在不断变化。欧洲平均温度与今天大致相同，可能略低。

E部分

It is known that the Little Ice Age cooling began in Greenland and the Arctic in about 1200.As the Arctic ice pack spread southward,Norse voyages to the west were rerouted into the open Atlantic,then ended altogether.Storminess increased in the North Atlantic and North Sea.Colder,much wetter weather descended on Europe between 1315 and 1319,when thousands perished in a continent-wide famine.By 1400,the weather had become decidedly more unpredictable and stormier,with sudden shifts and lower temperatures that culminated in the cold decades of the late sixteenth century.Fish were a vital commodity in growing towns and cities,where food supplies were a constant concern.Dried cod and herring were already the staples of the European fish trade,but changes in water temperatures forced fishing fleets to work further offshore.The Basques,Dutch,and English developed the first offshore fishing boats adapted to a colder and stormier Atlantic.A gradual agricultural revolution in northern Europe stemmed from concerns over food supplies at a time of rising populations.The revolution involved intensive commercial farming and the growing of animal fodder on land not previously used for crops.The increased productivity from farmland made some countries self-sufficient in grain and livestock and offered effective protection against famine.

据了解，小冰期大约于1200年在格陵兰岛和北极开始。随着北极冰块向南蔓延，从挪威向西的航线已改道到开放的大西洋，随后彻底终结。北大西洋和北海的暴风雨增加。1315年至1319年间，欧洲出现了更冷，更潮湿的天气，成千上万的人死于整个大洲的饥荒。到1400年，天气变得更加不可预测、更加狂暴，突然的变化和更低的温度最终导致了16世纪后期的严寒。在不断增长的城镇和城市中，鱼是至关重要的商品，那里的粮食供应一直是人们关注的问题。鳕鱼和鲱鱼干已经成为欧洲鱼类贸易的主流，但是水温的变化迫使捕捞船队进一步远离海岸。巴斯克人，荷兰人和英国人发明了第 一批能够适应更为寒冷和更为狂暴的大西洋的近海渔船。在欧洲北部的渐进农业革命起源于人们在人口增长时期对粮食供应的担心。革命涉及集约化商业耕作，以及在以前不用于种植农作物的土地上种植动物饲料。农田生产力的提高使一些国家的粮食和牲畜自给自足，并为对抗饥荒提供了有效的保护手段。

F部分

Global temperatures began to rise slowly after 1850,with the beginning of the Modern Warm Period.There was a vast migration from Europe by land-hungry farmers and others,to which the famine caused by the Irish potato blight contributed,to North America,Australia,New Zealand,and southern Africa.Millions of hectares of forest and woodland fell before the newcomers’axes between 1850 and 1890,as intensive European farming methods expanded across the world.The unprecedented land clearance released vast quantities of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere,triggering for the first time humanly caused global warming.Temperatures climbed more rapidly in the twentieth century as the use of fossil fuels proliferated and greenhouse gas levels continued to soar.The rise has been even steeper since the early 1980s.The Little Ice Age has given way to a new climatic regime,marked by prolonged and steady warming.At the same time,extreme weather events like Category 5 hurricanes are becoming more frequent.

随着现代温暖时期的开始，全球温度于1850年之后开始缓慢上升。由于爱尔兰马铃薯疫病所造成的饥荒，渴望土地的农民和其他人从欧洲大量迁徙到北美，澳大利亚，新西兰和非洲南部。在1850年至1890年之间，随着集约化的欧洲耕种方法在世界范围内传播，数百万公顷的森林和林地倒在了新移民的斧子之下。前所未有的土地清理工作将大量二氧化碳释放到大气中，这是人类造成全球变暖。随着二十世纪化石燃料使用的激增和温室气体水平的持续飙升，温度上升地更快。自20世纪80年代初以来，上升幅度甚至更大。小冰河时代已经让位于一种新的气候体制，其特征是持续不断而稳定的变暖。同时，诸如5类飓风之类的极端天气事件变得越来越频繁。

剑桥雅思8Test2阅读Passage1原文翻译sheet glass manufacture:the float process玻璃制造

剑桥雅思8阅读第二套题目第 一篇文章介绍了某种玻璃板的制作方法。文章一共8段，大体可以分为三部分：之前玻璃制作方法的缺陷所在，浮法制玻璃工艺的诞生、原理和应用，以及现代工艺的改进。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思8 Test2 Passage1阅读原文翻译

第1自然段

Glass,which has been made since the time of the Mesopotamians and Egyptians,is little more than a mixture of sand,soda ash and lime.When heated to about 1500 degrees Celsius(℃)this becomes a molten mass that hardens when slowly cooled.The first successful method for making clear,flat glass involved spinning.This method was very effective as the glass had not touched any surfaces between being soft and becoming hard,so it stayed perfectly unblemished,with a‘fire finish’.However,the process took a long time and was labour intensive.

自美索不达米亚人和埃及人时代以来，玻璃仅是沙子，纯碱和石灰的混合物。当加热到约1500摄氏度(℃)时，它变成熔融物，缓慢冷却后会变硬。制造透明平板玻璃的第 一种成功方法涉及到旋转。该方法非常有效，因为玻璃在变软和变硬之间没有接触到任何表面，因此保持了完美的光泽。但是，该过程耗时长并且劳动强度大。

第2自然段

Nevertheless,demand for flat glass was very high and glassmakers across the world were looking for a method of making it continuously.The first continuous ribbon process involved squeezing molten glass through two hot rollers,similar to an old mangle.This allowed glass of virtually any thickness to be made non-stop,but the rollers would leave both sides of the glass marked,and these would then need to be ground and polished.This part of the process rubbed away around 20 per cent of the glass,and the machines were very expensive.

然而，对平板玻璃的需求非常高，世界各地的玻璃制造商都在寻找一种连续制造平板玻璃的方法。第 一种连续制造工艺通过两个热辊挤压熔融的玻璃，类似于旧日的粉碎机。这样就可以使几乎任何厚度的玻璃被不间断地制造出来，但是滚子会在玻璃两面留下痕迹。稍后，它们需要进行研磨和抛光处理。该过程的这一部分消耗了大约20%的玻璃，并且机器非常昂贵。

第3自然段

The float process for making flat glass was invented by Alistair Pilkington.This process allows the manufacture of clear,tinted and coated glass for buildings,and clear and tinted glass for vehicles.This article is from Laokaoya website.Pilkington had been experimenting with improving the melting process,and in 1952 he had the idea of using a bed of molten metal to form the flat glass,eliminating altogether the need for rollers within the float bath.The metal had to melt at a temperature less than the hardening point of glass(about 600~C),but could not boil at a temperature below the temperature of the molten glass(about 1500~C).The best metal for the job was tin.

用于制造平板玻璃的浮法是阿利斯泰尔·皮尔金顿(Alistair Pilkington)发明的。该方法可以制造用于建筑物的透明，着色和涂层玻璃，以及用于车辆的透明和着色玻璃。皮尔金顿一直在尝试改善熔化过程，并在1952年提出使用熔融金属床来制造平板玻璃的想法，从而完全消除在漂浮池中使用滚筒的必要性。金属必须在低于玻璃硬化点的温度(约600℃)熔化，但不能在低于熔融玻璃的温度(约1500℃)下沸腾。最好的金属是锡。

第4自然段

The rest of the concept relied on gravity,which guaranteed that the surface of the molten metal was perfectly flat and horizontal.Consequently,when pouring molten glass onto the molten tin,the underside of the glass would also be perfectly flat.If the glass were kept hot enough,it would flow over the molten tin until the top surface was also flat,horizontal and perfectly parallel to the bottom surface.Once the glass cooled to 604~C or less it was too hard to mark and could be transported out of the cooling zone by rollers.The glass settled to a thickness of six millimetres because of surface tension interactions between the glass and the tin.By fortunate coincidence,60 per cent of the flat glass market at that time was for six-millimetre glass.

这一想法的其余部分依靠重力，以确保熔融金属的表面完全平坦且水平。因此，当将熔融玻璃倒在熔融锡上时，玻璃的底面也将是完全平坦的。如果玻璃保持足够高温，它将在熔融锡上流动，直到上表面也平坦，水平且与下表面完全平行。一旦玻璃冷却到604°C或更低，就会变得足够坚硬，很难留下痕迹，并且可以用滚轴运出冷却区。由于玻璃和锡之间表面张力的相互作用，玻璃只能是六毫米厚。碰巧的是，当时平板玻璃市场的60%都是六毫米玻璃。

第5自然段

Pilkington built a pilot plant in 1953 and by 1955 he had convinced his company to build a full-scale plant.However,it took 14 months of non-stop production,costing the company￡100,000 a month,before the plant produced any usable glass.Furthermore,once they succeeded in making marketable flat glass,the machine was turned off for a service to prepare it for years of continuous production.When it started up again it took another four months to get the process right again.They finally succeeded in 1959 and there are now float plants all over the world,with each able to produce around 1000 tons of glass every day,non-stop for around 15 years.

皮尔金顿于1953年建立了一个试验工厂，到1955年，他说服自己的公司建立了一个大型工厂。然而，在14个月的不间断生产，并每月花费公司100,000英镑之后，工厂才生产出第 一块能用的玻璃。一旦他们成功制造出可销售的平板玻璃，就关闭了机器，从而为多年的连续生产做准备。当它再次启动时，又花了四个月的时间才重新校准流程。他们终于在1959年取得了成功，现在世界各地都有浮法制玻工厂，每个工厂每天能够生产约1000吨玻璃，可以不间断生产约15年。

第6自然段

Float plants today make glass of near optical quality.Several processes–melting,refining,homogenising–take place simultaneously in the 2000 tonnes of molten glass in the furnace.They occur in separate zones in a complex glass flow driven by high temperatures.It adds up to a continuous melting process,lasting as long as 50 hours,that delivers glass smoothly and continuously to the float bath,and from there to a coating zone and finally a heat treatment zone,where stresses formed during cooling are relieved.

如今，浮法生产的玻璃接近光学品质。在熔炉中的2000吨熔融玻璃同时进行熔融，精制，均质化等多个过程。它们出现在由高温驱动的复杂玻璃流中的不同区域。连续熔化过程可以持续50小时，从而将玻璃平稳连续地输送到浮槽中，然后从那里到达镀膜区，并最后到达热处理区，在这里消除冷却过程中形成的应力。

第7自然段

The principle of float glass is unchanged since the 1950s.However,the product has changed dramatically,from a single thickness of 6.8 mm to a range from sub-millimetre to 25 mm,from a ribbon frequently marred by inclusions and bubbles to almost optical perfection.To ensure the highest quality,inspection takes place at every stage.Occasionally,a bubble is not removed during refining,a sand grain refuses to melt,a tremor in the tin puts ripples into the glass ribbon.Automated on-line inspection does two things.Firstly,it reveals process faults upstream that can be corrected.Inspection technology allows more than 100 million measurements a second to be made across the ribbon,locating flaws the unaided eye would be unable to see.Secondly,it enables computers downstream to steer cutters around flaws.

自20世纪50年代以来，浮法玻璃的原理就没有改变。但是，产品发生了巨大的变化，从单一的6.8毫米厚变成从亚毫米到25毫米不等，从经常被杂质和气泡损坏的平板到几乎完美的光学效果。为了确保质量，在每个阶段都要进行检查。有时，精炼过程中未能去除的气泡，无法融化的沙砾，以及锡的震颤会在玻璃带中形成波纹。自动化的在线检查会做两件事。首先，它揭示可以修正的上游流程故障。检测技术可以在玻璃板上进行每秒超过1亿次的测量，从而定位肉眼无法看到的缺陷。其次，它使下游计算机能够引导切割器解决缺陷。

第8自然段

Float glass is sold by the square metre,and at the final stage computers translate customer requirements into patterns of cuts designed to minimise waste.

浮法玻璃按平方出售，在最后阶段，计算机将客户需求转换为旨在大程度减少浪费的切割模式。

剑桥雅思8Test1阅读Passage3原文翻译Telepathy心灵感应

剑桥雅思8阅读第 一套题目第三篇文章的主题为心灵感应。文章一共8段，大体可以分为四部分，分别介绍了心灵感应的实验，实验存在的漏洞与改进，主流科学家的态度，以及从其他角度进行的研究。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思8 Test 1 Passage 3阅读原文翻译

引言

Can human beings communicate by thought alone?For more than a century the issue of telepathy has divided the scientific community,and even today it still sparks bitter controversy among top academics.

人类可以单独通过思想交流吗?一个多世纪以来，心灵感应问题一直困扰着科学界。直到今天，它仍然引发学者之间的激烈争论。

第1自然段

Since the 1970s,parapsychologists at leading universities and research institutes around the world have risked the derision of sceptical colleagues by putting the various claims for telepathy to the test in dozens of rigorous scientific studies.The results and their implications are dividing even the researchers who uncovered them.

自20世纪70年代以来，全球领先大学和研究机构的超心理学家冒着受怀疑论者嘲笑的风险，在数十项严格的科学研究中对心灵感应进行测试。实验结果和它们的含义甚至使发现它们的研究人员也产生分歧。

第2自然段

Some researchers say the results constitute compelling evidence that telepathy is genuine.Other parapsychologists believe the field is on the brink of collapse,having tried to produce definitive scientific proof and failed.Sceptics and advocates alike do concur on one issue,however:that the most impressive evidence so far has come from the so-called‘ganzfeld’experiments,a German term that means‘whole field’.Reports of telepathic experiences had by people during meditation led parapsychologists to suspect that telepathy might involve‘signals’passing between people that were so faint that they were usually swamped by normal brain activity.In this case,such signals might be more easily detected by those experiencing meditation-like tranquillity in a relaxing‘whole field’of light,sound and warmth.

一些研究人员认为，这些结果构成了令人信服的证据，证明心灵感应是真实的。其他超心理学家认为，该领域正处于崩溃的边缘。他们试图提供确切的科学证据，但失败了。然而，持怀疑态度的人和拥护者们在一个问题上的确是一致的：到目前为止，最令人印象深刻的证据来自所谓的“ganzfeld”实验。这是德语术语，意为“整个领域”。人们在冥想过程中对心灵感应经历的报道使超心理学家怀疑心灵感应可能牵涉到人与人之间的“信号”传递。这些信号如此微弱，以至于它们通常被正常的大脑活动所淹没。在这种情况下，那些在轻松、美好和温暖的“整个领域”中体验冥想般的宁静的人可能更容易检测到此类信号。

第3自然段

The ganzfeld experiment tries to recreate these conditions with participants sitting in soft reclining chairs in a sealed room,listening to relaxing sounds while their eyes are covered with special filters letting in only soft pink light.In early ganzfeld experiments,the telepathy test involved identification of a picture chosen from a random selection of four taken from a large image bank.This article is from Laokaoya website.The idea was that a person acting as a‘sender’would attempt to beam the image over to the‘receiver’relaxing in the sealed room.Once the session was over,this person was asked to identify which of the four images had been used.Random guessing would give a hit-rate of 25 per cent;if telepathy is real,however,the hit-rate would be higher.In 1982,the results from the first ganzfeld studies were analysed by one of its pioneers,the American parapsychologist Charles Honorton.They pointed to typical hit-rates of better than 30 per cent–a small effect,but one which statistical tests suggested could not be put down to chance.

ganzfeld实验试图通过让参与者在密封的房间里坐在柔软的躺椅上，聆听放松的声音，用特殊的滤光片遮盖眼睛，只感受柔和的粉红色光线来重现这些条件。在早期的ganzfeld实验中，心灵感应测试涉及识别从大图像库中随机选取的四张图片中的图像。其想法是，一个充当“发送者”的人会试图将图像传送到在密封房间内放松的“接收者”。传输结束后，此人被要求确定使用了四个图像中的哪个。随机猜测的命中率为25%;然而如果心灵感应是真实的，那么命中率就会更高。1982年，第 一批ganzfeld研究的结果由美国超心理学家查尔斯·霍顿(Charles Honorton)，该领域的先驱者之一，进行了分析。他们指出典型的命中率要高于30%。虽然影响很小，但统计测试表明，不能仅仅将其归为偶然。

第4自然段

The implication was that the ganzfeld method had revealed real evidence for telepathy.But there was a crucial flaw in this argument–one routinely overlooked in more conventional areas of science.Just because chance had been ruled out as an explanation did not prove telepathy must exist;there were many other ways of getting positive results.These ranged from‘sensory leakage’–where clues about the pictures accidentally reach the receiver–to outright fraud.In response,the researchers issued a review of all the ganzfeld studies done up to 1985 to show that 80 per cent had found statistically significant evidence.However,they also agreed that there were still too many problems in the experiments which could lead to positive results,and they drew up a list demanding new standards for future research.

这意味着ganzfeld方法揭示了心灵感应存在的真实证据。但是这一论点存在一个在更为传统的科学领域经常被忽视的关键缺陷。仅仅排除偶然性因素，并不能证明心灵感应一定存在。还有很多其他方法可以取得积极的结果。它们从“感官泄漏”(有关图片的线索意外到达接收者)到彻底的欺诈。作为回应，研究人员发表了对1985年以前所做的所有ganzfeld研究的回顾，以显示80%的人发现了具有统计意义的证据。但是，他们也同意实验中仍然存在太多问题。这些问题可能会导致积极的结果。他们草拟了一份清单，要求为未来的研究制定新的标准。

第5自然段

After this,many researchers switched to autoganzfeld tests–an automated variant of the technique which used computers to perform many of the key tasks such as the random selection of images.By minimising human involvement,the idea was to minimise the risk of flawed results.In 1987,results from hundreds of autoganzfeld tests were studied by Honorton in a‘meta-analysis’,a statistical technique for finding the overall results from a set of studies.Though less compelling than before,the outcome was still impressive.

此后，许多研究人员转而使用autoganzfeld测试-该技术的一种自动化变体。它使用计算机进行许多关键任务，例如图像的随机选择。其想法是通过减少人类的参与来降低产生错误结果的风险。1987年，Hontonon使用“元分析”(一种统计技术，可从一组研究中找到整体结果)研究了数百种autoganzfeld测试的结果。尽管它们没有以前那么引人注目，但仍然令人印象深刻。

第6自然段

Yet some parapsychologists remain disturbed by the lack of consistency between individual ganzfeld studies.Defenders of telepathy point out that demanding impressive evidence from every study ignores one basic statistical fact:it takes large samples to detect small effects.If,as current results suggest,telepathy produces hit-rates only marginally above the 25 per cent expected by chance,it’s unlikely to be detected by a typical ganzfeld study involving around 40 people:the group is just not big enough.Only when many studies are combined in a meta-analysis will the faint signal of telepathy really become apparent.And that is what researchers do seem to be finding.

然而，一些超心理学家仍然对不同ganzfeld研究之间缺乏一致性感到不安。心灵感应的辩护者指出，要求每项研究都得出令人印象深刻的证据忽略了一个基本的统计事实：需要大量样本才能检测出微小的影响。按照目前的实验结果，如果心灵感应的命中率仅仅因为偶然才勉强超过预期的25%，那么一项涉及约40人的典型ganzfeld研究不太可能发现这一差别：研究群体不够大。只有在“元分析”中结合了许多研究后，微弱的心灵感应标志才会真正显现出来。这就是研究人员似乎正在发现的东西。

第7自然段

What they are certainly not finding,however,is any change in attitude of mainstream scientists:most still totally reject the very idea of telepathy.The problem stems at least in part from the lack of any plausible mechanism for telepathy.

但是，他们肯定没有发现主流科学家的态度有任何变化：大多数人仍然完全拒绝心灵感应的想法。该问题至少部分是由于心灵感应缺乏任何合理的机制。

第8自然段

Various theories have been put forward,many focusing on esoteric ideas from theoretical physics.They include‘quantum entanglement’,in which events affecting one group of atoms instantly affect another group,no matter how far apart they may be.While physicists have demonstrated entanglement with specially prepared atoms,no-one knows if it also exists between atoms making up human minds.Answering such questions would transform parapsychology.This has prompted some researchers to argue that the future lies not in collecting more evidence for telepathy,but in probing possible mechanisms.Some work has begun already,with researchers trying to identify people who are particularly successful in autoganzfeld trials.Early results show that creative and artistic people do much better than average:in one study at the University of Edinburgh,musicians achieved a hit-rate of 56 per cent.Perhaps more tests like these will eventually give the researchers the evidence they are seeking and strengthen the case for the existence of telepathy.

各种各样的理论被提了出来。其中许多集中于理论物理学中的神秘思想。它们包括“量子纠缠”，即影响一组原子的事件会立即影响另一组原子，无论它们相距多远。尽管物理学家已经证明特殊制备的原子存在纠缠，但没人知道它是否也存在于组成人类思想的原子之间。回答这些问题将改变超心理学。这促使一些研究人员认为，未来不在于收集心灵感应的更多证据，而在于探索可能的机制。一些工作已经开始，研究人员试图找出在autoganzfeld试验中特别成功的人。早期的结果表明，富有创造力和艺术才能的人的表现要比平均水平要好得多：在爱丁堡大学的一项研究中，音乐家的命中率达到了56%。也许更多类似的测试最终将为研究人员提供他们正在寻找的证据，并增强了心灵感应的存在的理由。

剑桥雅思8Test1阅读Passage2原文翻译Air Traffic Control in the USA美国航空交通管制

剑桥雅思8阅读第 一套题目第二篇文章的主题为美国航空交通管制。文章一共7段，大体分为三部分，分别介绍了航空管制实行的原因，航空管制的发展，以及现在航空管制的情况。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思8 Test1 Passage2阅读原文翻译

段落A

An accident that occurred in the skies over the Grand Canyon in 1956 resulted in the establishment of the Federal Aviation Administration(FAA)to regulate and oversee the operation of aircraft in the skies over the United States,which were becoming quite congested.The resulting structure of air traffic control has greatly increased the safety of flight in the United States,and similar air traffic control procedures are also in place over much of the rest of the world.

1956年，大峡谷上空发生的一次事故导致联邦航空管理局(FAA)的成立，以监管和监督美国上空越来越拥挤的飞机运营。由此产生的空中交通管制结构极大地提高了美国的飞行安全性，并且世界上许多其他地区也采用了类似的空中交通管制程序。

段落B

Rudimentary air traffic control(ATC)existed well before the Grand Canyon disaster.As early as the 1920s,the earliest air traffic controllers manually guided aircraft in the vicinity of the airports,using lights and flags,while beacons and flashing lights were placed along cross-country routes to establish the earliest airways.However,this article is from Laokaoya website,this purely visual system was useless in bad weather,and,by the 1930s,radio communication was coming into use for ATC.The first region to have something approximating today’s ATC was New York City,with other major metropolitan areas following soon after.

原始的空中交通管制(ATC)在大峡谷灾难发生之前就已经存在。早在20世纪20年代，最早的空中交通管制员就在飞机场附近使用灯光和旗帜手动引导飞机，而信标和闪光灯则沿着穿过国家的路线放置，以建立最早的空中航线。但是，这种纯视觉的系统在恶劣的天气下没有什么用处。到20世纪30年代，无线电通信已用于ATC。第 一个使用与今天的ATC差不多的系统的地区是纽约市，此后不久，其他主要城市也跟了上来。

段落C

In the 1940s,ATC centres could and did take advantage of the newly developed radar and improved radio communication brought about by the Second World War,but the system remained rudimentary.It was only after the creation of the FAA that full-scale regulation of America’s airspace took place,and this was fortuitous,for the advent of the jet engine suddenly resulted in a large number of very fast planes,reducing pilots’margin of error and practically demanding some set of rules to keep everyone well separated and operating safely in the air.

20世纪40年代，空中交通管制中心可以而且确实利用了第二次世界大战带来的新开发的雷达和改进的无线电通信，但是该系统仍然是原始的。直到美国联邦航空局(FAA)建立之后，美国领空的全面管制才真正开始。而这完全是偶然的，因为喷气发动机的问世导致出现大量飞行速度非常快的飞机，从而缩减了飞行员的犯错空间，并出现制定一些规则的实际要求，以保证每架飞机互相分离，在空中安全运行。

段落D

Many people think that ATC consists of a row of controllers sitting in front of their radar screens at the nation’s airports,telling arriving and departing traffic what to do.This is a very incomplete part of the picture.The FAA realised that the airspace over the United States would at any time have many different kinds of planes,flying for many different purposes,in a variety of weather conditions,and the same kind of structure was needed to accommodate all of them.

许多人认为ATC由一排坐在机场雷达屏幕前的控制员组成，告诉到达和离开的飞机该做什么。这种想法是片面的。美国联邦航空局意识到，在美国空域任何时候都有许多不同种类的飞机在各种天气条件下出于不同目的而飞行，因此需要某种相同的结构来容纳所有这些飞机。

段落E

To meet this challenge,the following elements were put into effect.First,ATC extends over virtually the entire United States.In general,from 365m above the ground and higher,the entire country is blanketed by controlled airspace.In certain areas,mainly near airports,controlled airspace extends down to 215m above the ground,and,in the immediate vicinity of an airport,all the way down to the surface.Controlled airspace is that airspace in which FAA regulations apply.Elsewhere,in uncontrolled airspace,pilots are bound by fewer regulations.In this way,the recreational pilot who simply wishes to go flying for a while without all the restrictions imposed by the FAA has only to stay in uncontrolled airspace,below 365m,while the pilot who does want the protection afforded by ATC can easily enter the controlled airspace.

为了应对这一挑战，(美国联邦航空局)实行了以下几点。首先，空中交通管制几乎遍及整个美国。通常来说，整个国家地面365米以上的空域都受到控制。在某些地区，主要是在机场附近，受控空域一直延伸到地面上方215m，在临近机场的地方一直延伸到地面。受控空域是实行美国联邦航空局规定的空域。在其他不受控制的领空中，飞行员受到的法规约束较少。这样一来，希望不受美国联邦航空局(FAA)限制，只是飞行一段时间的休闲飞行员只需要停留在365m以下不受控制的领空即可，而希望获得ATC保护的飞行员可以轻松进入控制空域。

段落F

The FAA then recognised two types of operating environments.In good meteorological conditions,flying would be permitted under Visual Flight Rules(VFR),which suggests a strong reliance on visual cues to maintain an acceptable level of safety.Poor visibility necessitated a set of Instrumental Flight Rules(IFR),under which the pilot relied on altitude and navigational information provided by the plane’s instrument panel to fly safely.On a clear day,a pilot in controlled airspace can choose a VFR or IFR flight plan,and the FAA regulations were devised in a way which accommodates both VFR and IFR operations in the same airspace.However,a pilot can only choose to fly IFR if they possess an instrument rating which is above and beyond the basic pilot’s license that must also be held.

FAA随后界定出两种运行环境。在良好的气象条件下，允许利用视觉飞行规则(VFR)飞行，它极度依赖视觉线索来维持可接受的安全水平。能见度差的时候则必须使用一套仪表飞行规则(IFR)。飞行员必须依靠飞机仪表板提供的高度和导航信息安全飞行。在晴朗的日子里，受控空域中的飞行员可以选择VFR或IFR飞行计划，而FAA的规则设定可以在同一空域中同时容纳VFR和IFR操作。但是，飞行员只有在持有基础飞行执照之上的资质时，才可以选择使用IFR。

段落G

Controlled airspace is divided into several different types,designated by letters of the alphabet.Uncontrolled airspace is designated Class F,while controlled airspace below 5,490m above sea level and not in the vicinity of an airport is Class E.All airspace above 5,490m is designated Class A.The reason for the division of Class E and Class A airspace stems from the type of planes operating in them.Generally,Class E airspace is where one finds general aviation aircraft(few of which can climb above 5,490m anyway),and commercial turboprop aircraft.Above 5,490m is the realm of the heavy jets,since jet engines operate more efficiently at higher altitudes.The difference between Class E and A airspace is that in Class A,all operations are IFR,and pilots must be instrument-rated,that is,skilled and licensed in aircraft instrumentation.This is because ATC control of the entire space is essential.Three other types of airspace,Classes D,C and B,govern the vicinity of airports.These correspond roughly to small municipal,medium-sized metropolitan and major metropolitan airports respectively,and encompass an increasingly rigorous set of regulations.For example,all a VFR pilot has to do to enter Class C airspace is establish two-way radio contact with ATC.No explicit permission from ATC to enter is needed,although the pilot must continue to obey all regulations governing VFR flight.To enter Class B airspace,such as on approach to a major metropolitan airport,an explicit ATC clearance is required.The private pilot who cruises without permission into this airspace risks losing their license.

受控空域分为几种不同类型，并以字母表示。不受管制的空域被划为F级。而海拔5490米以下且不在机场附近的管制空域被划为E级。所有5490米以上的空域被划为A级。划分E级与A级空域的原因源自其中运行的飞机类型。通常，在E级空域可以找到通用航空飞机(无论如何，它们很少能爬升到5490米以上)和商用涡轮螺旋桨飞机。5490米以上是重型喷气式飞机的领域。这是因为喷气发动机在更高的海拔下可以更有效地运行。E级和A级空域之间的区别在于，A级空域中的所有操作都是IFR，并且飞行员必须具有仪器等级，即熟练使用飞机仪表并具备执照。这是因为对整个空域进行ATC控制至关重要。其他三种类型的空域，D、C和B级，控制着机场附近。它们大致对应小型城市，中型城市和主要城市的机场，并且包含越来越严格的法规。例如，所有VFR飞行员在进入C级空域时必须建立与ATC的双向无线电联系。尽管飞行员必须继续遵守有关VFR飞行的所有规定，但不需要ATC的明确许可即可进入。要进入B级空域，例如接近大都市机场时，需要明确的ATC许可。未经许可进入该领空航行的私人飞行员可能会失去执照。

剑桥雅思8Test1阅读Passage1原文翻译A Chronicle of Timekeeping时间记录的历史

剑桥雅思8阅读第 一套题目第 一篇文章的主题为时间记录的历史。文章按照时间顺序，一上来先对各种计时工具进行总述，然后介绍了月亮对计时的影响，日光时的产生，测量昼夜日光时的工具，各国机械钟的发展、改进，落地摆钟的产生，以及当代的计时技术。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思8 Test1 Passage1阅读原文翻译

段落A

According to archaeological evidence,at least 5,000 years ago,and long before the advent of the Roman Empire,the Babylonians began to measure time,introducing calendars to co-ordinate communal activities,to plan the shipment of goods and,in particular,to regulate planting and harvesting.They based their calendars on three natural cycles:the solar day,marked by the successive periods of light and darkness as the earth rotates on its axis;the lunar month,following the phases of the moon as it orbits the earth;and the solar year,defined by the changing seasons that accompany our planet’s revolution around the sun.

根据考古证据，至少在5000年前，距离罗马帝国出现还有很久的时候，巴比伦人已经开始计时，引入日历以协调公共活动，安排货物的运输，管理播种和收获。他们的日历基于三个自然周期：太阳日，以地球自转时连续产生的光明与黑暗为标志;阴历月，月球围绕地球旋转的阶段;以及太阳年，由随着地球围绕太阳公转而变化的季节定义。

段落B

Before the invention of artificial light,the moon had greater social impact.And,for those living near the equator in particular,its waxing and waning was more conspicuous than the passing of the seasons.Hence,this article is from Laokaoya website,the calendars that were developed at the lower latitudes were influenced more by the lunar cycle than by the solar year.In more northern climes,however,where seasonal agriculture was practised,the solar year became more crucial.As the Roman Empire expanded northward,it organised its activity chart for the most part around the solar year.

在人造光发明之前，月亮具有更大的社会影响。对于那些生活在赤道附近的人来说更是如此，它的阴晴圆缺比季节的流逝更加明显。因此，在低纬度地区出现的日历受月球周期的影响大于受太阳年的影响。然而，在更北部实行季节性农业的气候中，太阳年变得更加关键。随着罗马帝国的向北扩张，它所组织的大多数活动都围绕太阳年展开。

段落C

Centuries before the Roman Empire,the Egyptians had formulated a municipal calendar having 12 months of 30 days,with five days added to approximate the solar year.Each period of ten days was marked by the appearance of special groups of stars called decans.At the rise of the star Sirius just before sunrise,which occurred around the all-important annual flooding of the Nile,12 decans could be seen spanning the heavens.The cosmic significance the Egyptians placed in the 12 decans led them to develop a system in which each interval of darkness(and later,each interval of daylight)was divided into a dozen equal parts.These periods became known as temporal hours because their duration varied according to the changing length of days and nights with the passing of the seasons.Summer hours were long,winter ones short;only at the spring and autumn equinoxes were the hours of daylight and darkness equal.Temporal hours,which were first adopted by the Greeks and then the Romans,who disseminated them through Europe,remained in use for more than 2,500 years.

罗马帝国出现前的几个世纪，埃及人制定了一种市历，共有12个月，每个月30天，最后加上五天以接近太阳年。每十天为一个周期，以被称为decan的特殊恒星群的出现为标志。天狼星刚好在日出前升起，这是12个decan横跨天空。而这一现象在每年十分重要的尼罗河泛滥期间出现。埃及人赋予12 decan的重大意义使他们开发出一种将黑夜(随后又将白天)12等分的体系。这些时段被称为日光时，因为它们的持续时间会随着季节的流逝和昼夜长短的变化而变化。夏天长，冬天短;只有在春分和秋分，白天和黑夜的时间才相等。日光时最初由希腊人采用，然后由罗马人通过欧洲传播，至今已使用了2500多年。

段落D

In order to track temporal hours during the day,inventors created sundials,which indicate time by the length or direction of the sun’s shadow.The sundial’s counterpart,the water clock,was designed to measure temporal hours at night.One of the first water clocks was a basin with a small hole near the bottom through which the water dripped out.The falling water level denoted the passing hour as it dipped below hour lines inscribed on the inner surface.Although these devices performed satisfactorily around the Mediterranean,they could not always be depended on in the cloudy and often freezing weather of northern Europe.

为了在白天记录日光时，发明者创造了日晷，通过太阳阴影的长度或方向指示时间。日晷的对应物，水钟，旨在测量晚上的时间。最早的水钟之一是一个水池。水池的底部附近有一个小孔，水从该孔滴出来。水位下降到水池内部表面所刻着的小时线以下，代表着时间的流逝。虽然这些设备在地中海地区的表现令人满意，但在北欧多云和寒冷的天气下却不总是那么可靠。

段落E

The advent of the mechanical clock meant that although it could be adjusted to maintain temporal hours,it was naturally suited to keeping equal ones.With these,however,arose the question of when to begin counting,and so,in the early 14th century,a number of systems evolved.The schemes that divided the day into 24 equal parts varied according to the start of the count:Italian hours began at sunset,Babylonian hours at sunrise,astronomical hours at midday and‘great clock’hours,used for some large public clocks in Germany,at midnight.Eventually these were superseded by‘small clock’,or French hours,which split the day into two 12-hour periods commencing at midnight.

机械钟的问世意味着尽管可以对其进行调节以维持日光时，但它天然地适合记录相等的时间。然而，有了这些，就出现了何时开始计时的问题，因此，14世纪初出现了许多系统。根据计时起点的不同，将一天分成24等份的方案也各不相同：意大利的时间从日落开始，巴比伦的时间从日出开始，天文学时间从中午开始，而德国一些用于大型公共场所的巨大时钟则从午夜开始。最终，这些计时方式被“小时钟”或法国时间所取代。它将一天分为两个12小时的时间段，从午夜开始。

段落F

The earliest recorded weight-driven mechanical clock was built in 1283 in Bedfordshire in England.The revolutionary aspect of this new timekeeper was neither the descending weight that provided its motive force nor the gear wheels(which had been around for at least 1,300 years)that transferred the power;it was the part called the escapement.In the early 1400s came the invention of the coiled spring or fusee which maintained constant force to the gear wheels of the timekeeper despite the changing tension of its mainspring.By the 16th century,a pendulum clock had been devised,but the pendulum swung in a large arc and thus was not very efficient.

有记录的最早的重量驱动机械钟是于1283年在英格兰贝德福德郡建造的。这款崭新的计时器的革命性方面既不是由向下的重量进行驱动，也不是传递动力的齿轮(齿轮已经存在至少1300年了)，而是所谓的擒纵机构。在15世纪初期，人们发明了一种螺旋弹簧，或者叫作均力圆锥轮，尽管其发条的张力发生变化，但它仍对计时装置的齿轮保持恒定的力。到了16世纪，摆钟被设计出来。但因为钟摆摆动弧度很大，因此效率不高。

段落G

To address this,a variation on the original escapement was invented in 1670,in England.It was called the anchor escapement,which was a lever-based device shaped like a ship’s anchor.The motion of a pendulum rocks this device so that it catches and then releases each tooth of the escape wheel,in turn allowing it to turn a precise amount.Unlike the original form used in early pendulum clocks,the anchor escapement permitted the pendulum to travel in a very small arc.Moreover,this invention allowed the use of a long pendulum which could beat once a second and thus led to the development of a new floor-standing case design,which became known as the grandfather clock.

为了解决这个问题，1670年人们在英国发明了原始擒纵装置的一种变型。这就是所谓的锚擒纵装置，它是一种基于杠杆原理的装置，形状像船的锚。摆锤的运动使该装置晃动，由此它抓住并随后释放擒纵轮的每个齿，从而使其精确的旋转。与早期的摆钟所使用的原始形式不同，锚式擒纵机构使钟摆能够以很小的弧度行进。而且，该发明使得使用较长的摆锤成为可能，它每秒跳动一次，从而推动新的落地柜式设计的发展。该设计被称为祖父钟(落地摆钟)。

段落H

Today,highly accurate timekeeping instruments set the beat for most electronic devices.Nearly all computers contain a quartz-crystal clock to regulate their operation.Moreover,not only do time signals beamed down from Global Positioning System satellites calibrate the functions of precision navigation equipment,they do so as well for mobile phones,instant stock-trading systems and nationwide power-distribution grids.So integral have these time-based technologies become to day-to-day existence that our dependency on them is recognised only when they fail to work.

如今，高精度的计时仪器为大多数电子设备的设置时间。几乎所有计算机都包含一个石英钟来控制其运行。此外，全球定位系统卫星发出的时间信号不仅可以校准精密导航设备的功能，而且还可以用于移动电话，即时股票交易系统和全国性的配电网。这些基于时间的技术已变得不可或缺，以至于只有它们在无法工作时我们才能意识到自己对它们的依赖。

剑桥雅思7Test4阅读Passage3原文翻译Effects of Noise噪音的影响

剑桥雅思7阅读第四套题目第三篇文章的主题为噪音的影响。文章分为六段，分别介绍了人们所拥有的对噪音的自我调节能力，调节能力的局限性，有关噪音可预测性的实验，相关实验结论和指导意义，以及长期生活在高噪音环境下的危害。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思7 Test4 Passage 3阅读原文翻译

第1段

In general,it is plausible to suppose that we should prefer peace and quiet to noise.And yet most of us have had the experience of having to adjust to sleeping in the mountains or the countryside because it was initially‘too quiet’,an experience that suggests that humans are capable of adapting to a wide range of noise levels.Research supports this view.For example,Glass and Singer(1972)exposed people to short bursts of very loud noise and then measured their ability to work out problems and their physiological reactions to the noise.The noise was quite disruptive at first,but after about four minutes the subjects were doing just as well on their tasks as control subjects who were not exposed to noise.Their physiological arousal also declined quickly to the same levels as those of the control subjects.

大体而言，认为我们应该更喜欢安静与祥和而不是噪音很合理。然而，我们中许多人都有过因为山区或乡村太过安静，而不得不努力适应睡眠的情况。这表明，人类能够适应大范围的噪音水平。研究支持这种观点。例如，格拉斯和辛格(Glass and Singer，1972)将人们暴露于阵阵短促巨大的噪音中，然后测量他们解决问题的能力以及对噪音的生理反应。起初，噪音的干扰非常大。但是大约四分钟后，这些受试者在任务上的表现与不受噪音影响的对照受试者一样好。他们的生理反应也迅速下降到与对照组相同的水平。

第2段

But there are limits to adaptation and loud noise becomes more troublesome if the person is required to concentrate on more than one task.For example,high noise levels interfered with the performance of subjects who were required to monitor three dials at a time,a task not unlike that of an aeroplane pilot or an air-traffic controller(Broadbent,1957).Similarly,this article is from Laokaoya website.noise did not affect a subject’s ability to track a moving line with a steering wheel,but it did interfere with the subject’s ability to repeat numbers while tracking(Finkelman and Glass,1970).

但是，适应能力有其极限。如果人们需要专心于不止一项工作，嘈杂的声音就会变得麻烦许多。例如，较高的噪音水平干扰了需要同时监视三个拨盘的受试者的表现。这项任务与飞机驾驶员或空中交通管制员的任务没有太大区别(Broadbent，1957)。同样，噪音也不会影响受试者使用方向盘跟踪运动曲线的能力，但是会干扰受试者在跟踪的同时重复数字的能力(Finkelman和Glass，1970)。

第3段

Probably the most significant finding from research on noise is that its predictability is more important than how loud it is.We are much more able to‘tune out’chronic background noise,even if it is quite loud,than to work under circumstances with unexpected intrusions of noise.In the Glass and Singer study,in which subjects were exposed to bursts of noise as they worked on a task,some subjects heard loud bursts and others heard soft bursts.For some subjects,the bursts were spaced exactly one minute apart(predictable noise);others heard the same amount of noise overall,but the bursts occurred at random intervals(unpredictable noise).Subjects reported finding the predictable and unpredictable noise equally annoying,and all subjects performed at about the same level during the noise portion of the experiment.But the different noise conditions had quite different after-effects when the subjects were required to proofread written material under conditions of no noise.As shown in Table 1 the unpredictable noise produced more errors in the later proofreading task than predictable noise;and soft,unpredictable noise actually produced slightly more errors on this task than the loud,predictable noise.

噪音研究的最重要发现可能是其可预测性比大小更重要。即使是在声音很大的情况下，我们也能够屏蔽长期的背景噪音，但我们却无法在意料之外的噪音干扰下工作。在格拉斯和辛格(Glass and Singer)的研究中，受试者在工作时暴露于噪音之下。一些受试者听到很大的声音，而另一些则听到轻柔的声音。对于某些受试者，声音的频率恰好是一分钟一次(可预测的噪音)。其他人听到的噪音总量相同，但间隔随机(不可预测的噪声)。受试者的报告发现，可预测和不可预测的噪音同样令人讨厌，并且在实验的噪音部分，所有受试者的表现大致相同。但是，当受试者被要求在无噪音的条件下校对书面材料时，不同的噪声条件具有非常不同的事后效应。如表1所示，不可预测的噪音在后来的校对任务中比可预测的噪音产生更多的错误。柔和的、无法预测的噪音实际上比响亮的、可预测的噪声在这个任务上产生的错误更多。

第4段

Apparently,unpredictable noise produces more fatigue than predictable noise,but it takes a while for this fatigue to take its toll on performance.

显然，不可预测的噪音比可预测的噪音产生更多的疲劳，但是这种疲劳需要一些时间才会影响人们的表现。

第5段

Predictability is not the only variable that reduces or eliminates the negative effects of noise.Another is control.If the individual knows that he or she can control the noise,this seems to eliminate both its negative effects at the time and its after-effects.This is true even if the individual never actually exercises his or her option to turn the noise off(Glass and Singer,1972).Just the knowledge that one has control is sufficient.

可预测性不是减少或消除噪音负面影响的唯 一变量。另一个变量是控制。如果一个人知道他或她可以控制噪音，这似乎可以消除当时和事后的负面影响。即使这个人从未真正行使过消除噪音的选择也同样如此(Glass and Singer，1972)。仅仅知道他拥有控制权就足够了。

第6段

The studies discussed so far exposed people to noise for only short periods and only transient effects were studied.But the major worry about noisy environments is that living day after day with chronic noise may produce serious,lasting effects.One study,suggesting that this worry is a realistic one,compared elementary school pupils who attended schools near Los Angeles’s busiest airport with students who attended schools in quiet neighbourhoods(Cohen et al.,1980).It was found that children from the noisy schools had higher blood pressure and were more easily distracted than those who attended the quiet schools.Moreover,there was no evidence of adaptability to the noise.In fact,the longer the children had attended the noisy schools,the more distractible they became.The effects also seem to be long lasting.A follow-up study showed that children who were moved to less noisy classrooms still showed greater distractibility one year later than students who had always been in the quiet schools(Cohen et al,1981).It should be noted that the two groups of children had been carefully matched by the investigators so that they were comparable in age,ethnicity,race,and social class.

到目前为止讨论的研究仅将人们暴露在噪音之中很短的时间，并且只研究了短暂的影响。但是，对于嘈杂环境的主要担忧是，日复一日地长期生活在噪音之中可能会产生严重而持久的影响。一项研究表明，这种担忧十分现实。它比较了在洛杉矶最繁忙的机场旁上小学的学生与在安静环境下上小学的学生(Cohen等人，1980)。研究发现，与那些安静学校的孩子相比，嘈杂学校孩子的血压更高，更容易分心。而且没有证据表明对噪声存在适应性。实际上，孩子们进入嘈杂学校的时间越长，他们的注意力就变得越分散。其影响似乎也历久不衰。一项后续的研究表明，与一直在安静的学校里学习的学生相比，被转移到不那么吵闹的教室里的孩子在一年之后仍然容易注意力涣散(Cohen等，1981)。应当指出的是，调查人员对这两组孩子进行了仔细的匹配，以使他们在年龄，种族，人种和社会阶层上都具有可比性。

剑桥雅思7Test4阅读Passage2原文翻译Endless Harvest无尽的收获

剑桥雅思7阅读第四套题目第二篇文章的主题为阿拉斯加大马哈鱼无尽的收获。文章一共9段，大体可以分成三部分。第 一部分介绍阿拉斯加的渔业情况，第二部分介绍过度捕捞所造成的危害，第三部分介绍所采取的措施和取得的成果。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思7 Test4 Passage2原文翻译

第1段

More than two hundred years ago,Russian explorers and fur hunters landed on the Aleutian Islands,a volcanic archipelago in the North Pacific,and learned of a land mass that lay farther to the north.The islands’native inhabitants called this land mass Aleyska,the‘Great Land’;today,we know it as Alaska.

两百多年前，俄罗斯探险家和皮毛猎人踏上北太平洋的火山群岛-阿留申群岛上，并了解到更北边的陆地。这些岛屿的原住民称此地为Aleyska-“伟大土地”。今天，我们将其称为阿拉斯加。

第2段

The forty-ninth state to join the United States of America(in 1959),Alaska is fully one-fifth the size of the mainland 48states combined.It shares,with Canada,the second longest river system in North America and has over half the coastline of the United States.The rivers feed into the Bering Sea and Gulf of Alaska–cold,nutrient-rich waters which support tens of millions of seabirds,and over 400 species of fish,shellfish,crustaceans,and molluscs.Taking advantage of this rich bounty,Alaska’s commercial fisheries have developed into some of the largest in the world.

阿拉斯加是美国的第49个州(1959年加入美国)，是位于美洲大陆48个州加起来面积的五分之一。它与加拿大共享北美第二长的河流系统，并且拥有一半以上美国的海岸线。河流流入白令海和阿拉斯加湾。这些营养丰富的寒冷水域支撑着数千万只海鸟以及超过400种鱼类，贝类，甲壳类和软体动物。利用这种丰富的资源，阿拉斯加的商业渔场已发展成为世界上最 大的商业渔场之一。

第3段

According to the Alaska Department of Fish and Game(ADF&G),Alaska’s commercial fisheries landed hundreds of thousands of tonnes of shellfish and herring,and well over a million tonnes of groundfish(cod,sole,perch and pollock)in 2000.This article is from Laokaoya website.The true cultural heart and soul of Alaska’s fisheries,however,is salmon.‘Salmon,’notes writer Susan Ewing in The Great Alaska Nature Factbook,‘pump through Alaska like blood through a heart,bringing rhythmic,circulating nourishment to land,animals and people.’The‘predictable abundance of salmon allowed some native cultures to flourish,’and‘dying spawners*feed bears,eagles,other animals,and ultimately the soil itself.’All five species of Pacific salmon–chinook,or king;chum,or dog;coho,or silver;sockeye,or red;and pink,or humpback–spawn**in Alaskan waters,and 90%of all Pacific salmon commercially caught in North America are produced there.Indeed,if Alaska was an independent nation,it would be the largest producer of wild salmon in the world.During 2000,commercial catches of Pacific salmon in Alaska exceeded 320,000 tonnes,with an ex-vessel value of over$US260 million.

根据阿拉斯加鱼类与猎物部(ADF&G)的统计，2000年，阿拉斯加的商业渔场捕捞了数十万吨贝类和鲱鱼，以及超过一百万吨的底栖鱼类(鳕鱼，鳎鱼，鲈鱼和狭鳕)。然而，阿拉斯加渔场的真正文化中心是鲑鱼。作家苏珊·尤因(Susan Ewing)在《阿拉斯加大自然概况》中写道，“鲑鱼”像血液流过心脏一样穿过阿拉斯加，为土地，动物和人类带来有规律的循环营养。“可预测的鲑鱼数量使一些本土文化蓬勃发展”，“即将死亡的产卵者喂养熊，鹰，和其他动物，最后反哺土壤本身。“太平洋的五种鲑鱼-chinook,or king;chum,or dog;coho,or silver;sockeye,or red;and pink,or humpback-全部在阿拉斯加水域产卵。北美商业捕捞的所有太平洋鲑鱼中有90%在那里生产。事实上，如果阿拉斯加是一个独立的国家，它将成为世界上最 大的野生鲑鱼生产商。2000年期间，阿拉斯加的太平洋鲑鱼商业捕捞量超过320,000吨，前船价值超过2.6亿美元。

第4段

Catches have not always been so healthy.Between 1940 and 1959,overfishing led to crashes in salmon populations so severe that in 1953 Alaska was declared a federal disaster area.With the onset of statehood,however,the State of Alaska took over management of its own fisheries,guided by a state constitution which mandates that Alaska’s natural resources be managed on a sustainable basis.At that time,statewide harvests totalled around 25 million salmon.Over the next few decades average catches steadily increased as a result of this policy of sustainable management,until,during the 1990s,annual harvests were well in excess of 100 million,and on several occasions over 200 million fish.

捕捞并不总是那么健康。在1940年至1959年之间，过度捕捞导致鲑鱼种群急剧下降，以至于1953年阿拉斯加被宣布为联邦灾区。然而，随着建州开始，阿拉斯加州接手自己的渔场管理，州宪法规定阿拉斯加的自然资源必须以可持续的方式进行运营。当时，全州的鲑鱼总产量约为2500万。在此后的几十年中，由于采取了这种可持续的管理政策，平均捕捞量稳步增加，直到20世纪90年代，每年的捕捞量远远超过1亿条，有时甚至超过2亿条。

第5段

The primary reason for such increases is what is known as‘In-Season Abundance-Based Management’.There are biologists throughout the state constantly monitoring adult fish as they show up to spawn.The biologists sit in streamside counting towers,study sonar,watch from aeroplanes,and talk to fishermen.The salmon season in Alaska is not pre-set.The fishermen know the approximate time of year when they will be allowed to fish,but on any given day,one or more field biologists in a particular area can put a halt to fishing.Even sport fishing can be brought to a halt.It is this management mechanism that has allowed Alaska salmon stocks–and,accordingly,Alaska salmon fisheries–to prosper,even as salmon populations in the rest of the United States are increasingly considered threatened or even endangered.

这种增长的主要原因是所谓的“基于季节的丰度管理”。整个州都有生物学家不断监测成年鱼产卵的过程。生物学家坐在河边的计数塔上，观察声纳，做飞机查看，并与渔民交谈。阿拉斯加的鲑鱼季节并非预先设定。渔民知道一年中允许捕鱼的大概时间。但在任意一天，特定区域中的一位或多位野外生物学家都可以要求停止捕鱼。甚至运动钓鱼也被制止。正是这种管理机制使得阿拉斯加的鲑鱼种群以及相应的鲑鱼捕捞繁荣增长，即使美国其他地区的鲑鱼种群日益被视为受到威胁，甚至濒临灭绝。

第6段

In 1999,the Marine Stewardship Council(MSC)***commissioned a review of the Alaska salmon fishery.The Council,which was founded in 1996,certifies fisheries that meet high environmental standards,enabling them to use a label that recognises their environmental responsibility.The MSC has established a set of criteria by which commercial fisheries can be judged.Recognising the potential benefits of being identified as environmentally responsible,fisheries approach the Council requesting to undergo the certification process.The MSC then appoints a certification committee,composed of a panel of fisheries experts,which gathers information and opinions from fishermen,biologists,government officials,industry representatives,non-governmental organisations and others.

1999年，海洋管理委员会(MSC)委托对阿拉斯加鲑鱼渔场进行审查。委员会成立于1996年，对符合高环境标准的渔场进行认证，使他们能够使用认可其环境责任的标签。MSC已经建立了一套评估商业渔场的标准。认识到被确认为对环境负责的潜在好处，(阿拉斯加)渔场与理委员会联系，要求进行认证程序。随后，MSC任命一个由渔场专家组成认证委员会，该委员会从渔民，生物学家，政府官员，行业代表，非政府组织和其他组织收集信息和意见。

第7段

Some observers thought the Alaska salmon fisheries would not have any chance of certification when,in the months leading up to MSC’s final decision,salmon runs throughout western Alaska completely collapsed.In the Yukon and Kuskokwim rivers,chinook and chum runs were probably the poorest since statehood;subsistence communities throughout the region,who normally have priority over commercial fishing,were devastated.

一些观察家认为，在MSC做出最终决定的前几个月里，阿拉斯加西部的鲑鱼养殖完全崩溃了，因此阿拉斯加鲑鱼渔业不会有任何获得认证的机会。在育空河和库斯科克维姆河中，chinook和chum的养殖可能处于建州以来最差的情况。整个区域的维生体系遭到破坏，而它们通常优先于商业渔场。

第8段

The crisis was completely unexpected,but researchers believe it had nothing to do with impacts of fisheries.Rather,they contend,it was almost certainly the result of climatic shifts,prompted in part by cumulative effects of the el niño/la niña phenomenon on Pacific Ocean temperatures,culminating in a harsh winter in which huge numbers of salmon eggs were frozen.It could have meant the end as far as the certification process was concerned.However,the state reacted quickly,closing down all fisheries,even those necessary for subsistence purposes.

这场危机完全出乎意料，但研究人员认为，它与渔场的影响无关。相反，他们认为这几乎可以肯定是气候变化的结果，部分由于厄尔尼诺/拉尼娜现象对太平洋温度的持续影响，导致大量的鲑鱼卵在极度寒冷的冬天被冻结。就认证过程而言，这可能意味着终结。但是，阿拉斯加迅速作出反应，关闭了所有渔场，甚至包括那些维持生计所需的渔场。

第9段

In September 2000,MSC announced that the Alaska salmon fisheries qualified for certification.Seven companies producing Alaska salmon were immediately granted permission to display the MSC logo on their products.Certification is for an initial period of five years,with an annual review to ensure that the fishery is continuing to meet the required standards.

2000年9月，MSC宣布阿拉斯加鲑鱼渔场有资格获得认证。立刻有7家生产阿拉斯加鲑鱼的公司被许可在其产品上展示MSC标志。认证为期五年，每年进行一次审核以确保渔场持续符合所要求的标准。

剑桥雅思7Test4阅读Passage1原文翻译Pulling strings to build pyramids风筝用于修建金字塔

剑桥雅思7阅读第四套题目第 一篇文章的主题为风筝在修建金字塔中的应用。文章分为9段，内容大体可以分为三部分：一开始先介绍Marcus关于金字塔修建的新观点，接下来对该观点进行实验验证，最后说明该观点成立的其他例子。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思7 Test4 Passage 1阅读原文翻译

第1段

No one knows exactly how the pyramids were built.Marcus Chown reckons the answer could be‘hanging in the air’.

没有人确切地知道金字塔是如何建造的。Marcus Chown认为答案可能是“悬挂在空中”。

第2段

The pyramids of Egypt were built more than three thousand years ago,and no one knows how.The conventional picture is that tens of thousands of slaves dragged stones on sledges.But there is no evidence to back this up.Now a Californian software consultant called Maureen Clemmons has suggested that kites might have been involved.While perusing a book on the monuments of Egypt,she noticed a hieroglyph that showed a row of men standing in odd postures.They were holding what looked like ropes that led,via some kind of mechanical system,to a giant bird in the sky.She wondered if perhaps the bird was actually a giant kite,and the men were using it to lift a heavy object.

埃及的金字塔建于三千多年前，没人知道是怎么完成的。传统观点认为该过程涉及数万名奴隶用雪橇拖运石头。但是没有证据可以证明这一点。现在，加利福尼亚一位叫做莫琳·克莱蒙斯(Maureen Clemmons)的软件顾问认为风筝可能参与其中。当她仔细阅读一本关于埃及古迹的书时，她注意到一个象形文字，显示一排人以奇怪的姿势站立。他们拿着看起来像绳索的东西，通过某种机械系统引向天空中的一只大鸟。她好奇这只鸟是否真的是一只巨大的风筝，而这些人正在用它提起沉重的物体。

第3段

Intrigued,Clemmons contacted Morteza Gharib,aeronautics professor at the California Institute of Technology.He was fascinated by the idea.‘Coming from Iran,I have a keen interest in Middle Eastern science,’he says.This article is from Laokaoya webiste.He too was puzzled by the picture that had sparked Clemmons’s interest.The object in the sky apparently had wings far too short and wide for a bird.‘The possibility certainly existed that it was a kite,’he says.And since he needed a summer project for his student Emilio Graff,investigating the possibility of using kites as heavy lifters seemed like a good idea.

克莱蒙斯对此深感兴趣，她与加州理工学院的航空学教授Morteza Gharib联系。他对这个想法着迷。他说：“我来自伊朗，对中东科学非常感兴趣。”引起克莱蒙斯兴趣的那幅画也使他感到困惑。天空中的物体对于一只鸟来说翅膀太短又太宽。他说：“确实有可能是风筝。”而且由于他需要为学生Emilio Graff进行暑期项目，因此研究将风筝用作重型起重器的可能性似乎是个好主意。

第4段

Gharib and Graff set themselves the task of raising a 4.5-metre stone column from horizontal to vertical,using no source of energy except the wind.Their initial calculations and scale-model wind-tunnel experiments convinced them they wouldn’t need a strong wind to lift the 33.5-tonne column.Even a modest force,if sustained over a long time,would do.The key was to use a pulley system that would magnify the applied force.So they rigged up a tent-shaped scaffold directly above the tip of the horizontal column,with pulleys suspended from the scaffold’s apex.The idea was that as one end of the column rose,the base would roll across the ground on a trolley.

Gharib和Graff为自己设定的任务如下：将一块4.5米长的石柱从水平位置变为竖直。在此过程中除了风能之外不使用其他任何能源。他们最初的计算和相应比例的风洞实验说服他们，他们并不需要强风来提起这一重达33.5吨的石柱。即使力量一般，如果长期维持下去，也能做到。关键是使用滑轮系统放大施加的力。因此，他们在水平支柱的顶端直接架起了一个帐篷形的脚手架，并在脚手架的顶点上悬挂了滑轮。当时的想法是，当柱子的一端升起时，底座会在推车上滑过地面。

第5段

Earlier this year,the team put Clemmons’s unlikely theory to the test,using a 40-square-metre rectangular nylon sail.The kite lifted the column clean off the ground.We were absolutely stunned,’Gharib says.‘The instant the sail opened into the wind,a huge force was generated and the column was raised to the vertical in a mere 40 seconds.’

今年早些时候，团队使用40平方米的长方形尼龙帆将克莱蒙斯看起来不太可能的理论付诸测试。风筝把柱子从地面上抬起。我们超级震惊”，Gharib说，“帆向风张开的一瞬间就产生了巨大的力量，柱子在短短40秒内就上升到垂直位置”。

第6段

The wind was blowing at a gentle 16 to 20 kilometres an hour,little more than half what they thought would be needed.What they had failed to reckon with was what happened when the kite was opened.‘There was a huge initial force-five times larger than the steady state force,’Gharib says.This jerk meant that kites could lift huge weights,Gharib realised.Even a 300-tonne column could have been lifted to the vertical with 40 or so men and four or five sails.So Clemmons was right:the pyramid builders could have used kites to lift massive stones into place.‘Whether they actually did is another matter,’Gharib says.There are no pictures showing the construction of the pyramids,so there is no way to tell what really happened.‘The evidence for using kites to move large stones is no better or worse than the evidence for the brute force method,’Gharib says.

风以每小时16至20公里的平缓速度吹来，仅仅是他们认为所需速度的一半多一点。他们没有考虑到的是风筝打开时所发生的事情。Gharib说：“初始力很大，是稳定状态下力的五倍”。Gharib意识到，这一猛然的力道意味着风筝可以举起巨大的重量。甚至一根300吨重的柱子也可以用40名左右的人和四五个帆起吊到垂直位置。因此，克莱蒙斯说得对：金字塔建造者确实可能使用风筝将大块石头抬起。Gharib说：“他们是否真的这样做是另外一回事”。没有图片展示金字塔的建造过程，所以没有办法知道当时真正发生了什么。Gharib说：“用风筝移动大石头的证据并不比用蛮力的方法更好或更糟”。

第7段

Indeed,the experiments have left many specialists unconvinced.‘The evidence for kite-lifting is non-existent,’says Willeke Wendrich,an associate professor of Egyptology at the University of California,Los Angeles.

确实，实验并没有使许多专家信服。美国加州大学洛杉矶分校埃及学的副教授Willeke Wendrich说：“风筝抬起重物的证据是不存在的”。

第8段

Others feel there is more of a case for the theory.Harnessing the wind would not have been a problem for accomplished sailors like the Egyptians.And they are known to have used wooden pulleys,which could have been made strong enough to bear the weight of massive blocks of stone.In addition,there is some physical evidence that the ancient Egyptians were interested in flight.A wooden artefact found on the step pyramid at Saqqara looks uncannily like a modern glider.Although it dates from several hundred years after the building of the pyramids,its sophistication suggests that the Egyptians might have been developing ideas of flight for a long time.And other ancient civilisations certainly knew about kites;as early as 1250 BC,the Chinese were using them to deliver messages and dump flaming debris on their foes.

其他人则认为该理论还有其他案例支持。对于像埃及人这样熟练的水手来说，驾驭风不是问题。而且众所周知，他们确实使用木质滑轮。这些滑轮可以制造得足够坚固以承受巨大石块的重量。另外，有一些实际证据表明古埃及人对飞行感兴趣。在萨加拉(Saqqara)的台阶金字塔上发现的木制人工制品看起来特别像现代滑翔机。尽管它的历史可以追溯到金字塔建成后的数百年，但它的复杂性表明埃及人可能已经对飞行感兴趣很久了。当然其他古代文明也知道风筝。早在公元前1250年，中国人就用它们来传递信息，并将燃烧的碎片倾倒在敌人身上。

第9段

The experiments might even have practical uses nowadays.There are plenty of places around the globe where people have no access to heavy machinery,but do know how to deal with wind,sailing and basic mechanical principles.Gharib has already been contacted by a civil engineer in Nicaragua,who wants to put up buildings with adobe roofs supported by concrete arches on a site that heavy equipment can’t reach.His idea is to build the arches horizontally,then lift them into place using kites.‘We’ve given him some design hints,’says Gharib.‘We’re just waiting for him to report back.’So whether they were actually used to build the pyramids or not,it seems that kites may make sensible construction tools in the 21st century AD.

如今，这些实验甚至可能有实际用途。全球有很多地方的人们无法使用重型机械。但他们确实知道如何处理风，航海和基本的机械原理。尼加拉瓜的一位土木工程师已经联系了Gharib，他希望在重型设备无法到达的地点建造由混凝土拱门支撑的带有土坯屋顶的建筑物。他的想法是水平建造拱门，然后使用风筝将其提升到位。“我们给了他一些设计上的提示”，Gharib说，”我们正在等待他的反馈”。因此，无论它们是否真的被用于建造金字塔，风筝似乎都可以在公元21世纪成为明智的建造工具。

剑桥雅思7Test3阅读Passage3原文翻译European forests欧洲森林保护

剑桥雅思7阅读第三套题目第三篇文章的主题为欧洲森林保护。文章分为三段，分别介绍欧洲森林目前所遭受的严重破坏，欧洲森林在生物、经济和休闲等方面的作用，制定欧洲森林保护政策的急迫性，以及保护森林的六项决议。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思7 Test 3 Passage 3阅读原文翻译

第1段

Forests are one of the main elements of our natural heritage.The decline of Europe’s forests over the last decade and a half has led to an increasing awareness and understanding of the serious imbalances which threaten them.European countries are becoming increasingly concerned by major threats to European forests,threats which know no frontiers other than those of geography or climate:air pollution,soil deterioration,the increasing number of forest fires and sometimes even the mismanagement of our woodland and forest heritage.There has been a growing awareness of the need for countries to get together to co-ordinate their policies.In December 1990,Strasbourg hosted the first Ministerial Conference on the protection of Europe’s forests.The conference brought together 31 countries from both Western and Eastern Europe.The topics discussed included the co-ordinated study of the destruction of forests,as well as how to combat forest fires and the extension of European research programs on the forest ecosystem.The preparatory work for the conference had been undertaken at two meetings of experts.Their initial task was to decide which of the many forest problems of concern to Europe involved the largest number of countries and might be the subject of joint action.Those confined to particular geographical areas,such as countries bordering the Mediterranean or the Nordic countries therefore had to be discarded.However,this does not mean that in future they will be ignored.

森林是我们自然遗产的主要元素之一。在过去的十五年里，欧洲森林的减少导致人们对威胁它v们的严重不平衡问题的认识和了解不断增加。欧洲国家越来越关注对欧洲森林的重大威胁，这些威胁忽略除地理或气候外的其他边界：空气污染，土壤退化，森林大火不断增加，有时甚至是我们自己对林地和森林遗产的管理不善。目前，人们越来越意识到国家需要团结在一起，共同协调其政策。1990年12月，斯特拉斯堡主办了首届保护欧洲森林部长级会议。会议聚集了来自西欧和东欧的31个国家。议题包括对森林破坏的共同研究，如何扑灭森林大火，以及扩展欧洲对森林生态系统的研究项目。会议的筹备工作是在两次专家会议上进行的。他们的首要任务是确定欧洲关注的众多森林问题中哪一个涉及最多的国家，并可能成为联合行动的主题。。因此，仅限于特定地理区域的那些问题，例如与地中海接壤的国家或北欧国家，必须被丢弃。但是，这并不意味着将来它们会被忽略。

第2段

As a whole,European countries see forests as performing a triple function:biological,economic and recreational.The first is to act as a‘green lung’for our planet;by means of photosynthesis,forests produce oxygen through the transformation of solar energy,thus fulfilling what for humans is the essential role of an immense,non-polluting power plant.At the same time,forests provide raw materials for human activities through their constantly renewed production of wood.Finally,they offer those condemned to spend five days a week in an urban environment an unrivalled area of freedom to unwind and take part in a range of leisure activities,such as hunting,riding and hiking.The economic importance of forests has been understood since the dawn of man–wood was the first fuel.The other aspects have been recognised only for a few centuries but they are becoming more and more important.Hence,there is a real concern throughout Europe about the damage to the forest environment which threatens these three basic roles.

总体而言，欧洲国家认为森林具有三重功能：生物，经济和娱乐。首先，森林充当我们星球的“绿肺”。通过光合作用，森林通过太阳能的转化产生氧气，从而实现了对人类来言，巨大无污染的动力工厂的基本作用。同时，森林通过不断产生的木材为人类活动提供原材料。最后，他们为那些每周必须在城市环境中度过五天的人提供了无与伦比的自由空间，让他们放松身心并参加一系列休闲活动，例如狩猎，骑马和远足。作为第 一种燃料，自从人来文明诞生开始，人们就认识到森林的经济重要性。其他方面在最近几个世纪才显露出来，但是它们变得越来越重要。因此，整个欧洲都存在对威胁到森林环境这三个基本功能的损害的真正担忧。

第3段

The myth of the‘natural’forest has survived,yet there are effectively no remaining‘primary’forests in Europe.All European forests are artificial,having been adapted and exploited by man for thousands of years.This means that a forest policy is vital,that it must transcend national frontiers and generations of people,and that it must allow for the inevitable changes that take place in the forests,in needs,and hence in policy.The Strasbourg conference was one of the first events on such a scale to reach this conclusion.A general declaration was made that‘a central place in any ecologically coherent forest policy must be given to continuity over time and to the possible effects of unforeseen events,to ensure that the full potential of these forests is maintained’.

“天然”森林的神话一直存在，但实际上欧洲没有剩下任何的“原始”森林。欧洲所有的森林都是人造的，经过人类数千年的改造和开发。这意味着森林政策至关重要，必须超越国界和人类代际，并且必须考虑到森林中需求以及政策方面不可避免的变化。斯特拉斯堡会议是达成这一结论的首 次此类活动。宣言称，“在任何生态上合乎逻辑的森林政策中，必须将其随时间推移的连续性和不可预见事件的可能影响置于中心位置，以确保维持这些森林的全部潜力”。

第4段

That general declaration was accompanied by six detailed resolutions to assist national policy-making.The first proposes the extension and systematisation of surveillance sites to monitor forest decline.Forest decline is still poorly understood but leads to the loss of a high proportion of a tree’s needles or leaves.The entire continent and the majority of species are now affected:between 30%and 50%of the tree population.The condition appears to result from the cumulative effect of a number of factors,with atmospheric pollutants the principal culprits.Compounds of nitrogen and sulphur dioxide should be particularly closely watched.However,their effects are probably accentuated by climatic factors,such as drought and hard winters,or soil imbalances such as soil acidification,which damages the roots.The second resolution concentrates on the need to preserve the genetic diversity of European forests.The aim is to reverse the decline in the number of tree species or at least to preserve the‘genetic material’of all of them.Although forest fires do not affect all of Europe to the same extent,the amount of damage caused the experts to propose as the third resolution that the Strasbourg conference consider the establishment of a European databank on the subject.All information used in the development of national preventative policies would become generally available.The subject of the fourth resolution discussed by the ministers was mountain forests.In Europe,it is undoubtedly the mountain ecosystem which has changed most rapidly and is most at risk.A thinly scattered permanent population and development of leisure activities,particularly skiing,have resulted in significant long-term changes to the local ecosystems.Proposed developments include a preferential research program on mountain forests.The fifth resolution relaunched the European research network on the physiology of trees,called Eurosilva.Eurosilva should support joint European research on tree diseases and their physiological and biochemical aspects.Each country concerned could increase the number of scholarships and other financial support for doctoral theses and research projects in this area.Finally,the conference established the framework for a European research network on forest ecosystems.This would also involve harmonising activities in individual countries as well as identifying a number of priority research topics relating to the protection of forests.The Strasbourg conference’s main concern was to provide for the future.This was the initial motivation,one now shared by all 31 participants representing 31European countries.Their final text commits them to on-going discussion between government representatives with responsibility for forests.

伴随这一声明的是六个详细的决议，以协助国家政策的制定。第 一项提议是扩大监测点并使其系统化，以监测森林的退化。人们对森林退化仍然知之甚少，但是它却导致大量的树针或树叶损失。现在整个大陆和大多数物种都受到了影响：占树木种群的30%至50%。这种情况似乎是由于许多因素的累积影响所致，其中大气污染物是主要罪魁祸首。应特别注意氮和二氧化硫的化合物。然而，气候因素(例如干旱和严冬)或土壤失衡(例如土壤酸化)会破坏根系，从而加剧其影响。第二项决议集中于维护欧洲森林基因多样性的需要。目的是扭转树种数量的下降，或至少保留所有树种的“遗传材料”。尽管森林大火不会对整个欧洲产生相同程度的影响，但造成的破坏程度却使专家们提出了第三项决议：斯特拉斯堡会议考虑建立有关该问题的欧洲数据库。制定国家预防政策所使用的所有信息将普遍公开。部长们讨论的第四项决议的主题是山区森林。在欧洲，山区生态系统无疑变化最快，风险最 大。零散的永 久人口居住点和休闲活动的发展，尤其是滑雪的发展，导致当地生态系统重大长期的变化。拟议的改善包括一项关于山区森林的有限研究计划。第五项决议重新启动了被称为Eurosilva的欧洲树木生理学研究网络。Eurosilva应该支持欧洲在树木病害及其生理和生化方面的联合研究。每个相关国家都可以增加该领域的博士学位论文和研究项目的奖学金以及其他经济支持的数量。最后，会议为欧洲森林生态系统研究网络建立了框架。这将涉及协调各个国家的活动，并确定一些与森林保护有关的优先研究主题。斯特拉斯堡会议的主要关切是为未来做好准备。这是最初的动机，现在由代表31个欧洲国家的31位参与者共同拥有。他们的文本使其参与到负责森林相关问题的政府代表之间的持续讨论中。

剑桥雅思7Test3阅读Passage2原文翻译Population movements and genetics人口迁移与遗传学

剑桥雅思7阅读第三套题目第二篇文章的主题为人口迁移与遗传学。文章分为7段，分别介绍了人口迁移研究方法的发展，史前美洲人口迁移问题与新线索，通过血液变量分析不同人群之间的关系，三次移民浪潮理论的遗传学依据和牙齿研究证据，以及其他不同的观点。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思7 Test 3 Passage 2阅读原文翻译

段落A

Study of the origins and distribution of human populations used to be based on archaeological and fossil evidence.A number of techniques developed since the 1950s,however,have placed the study of these subjects on a sounder and more objective footing.The best information on early population movements is now being obtained from the‘archaeology of the living body’,the clues to be found in genetic material.

过去，对人类起源和分布的研究主要建立在考古和化石证据之上。但是，自20世纪50年代以来许多技术的发展使对这些课题的研究拥有了更合理，更客观的基础。现在可以从“活体考古学”(遗传材料中包含的线索)中获得有关早期人口迁移的最 佳信息。

段落B

Recent work on the problem of when people first entered the Americas is an example of the value of these new techniques.North-east Asia and Siberia have long been accepted as the launching ground for the first human colonisers of the New World1.But was there one major wave of migration across the Bering Strait into the Americas,or several?And when did this event,or events,take place?In recent years,new clues have come from research into genetics,including the distribution of genetic markers in modern Native Americans2.

关于人们何时首 次进入美洲问题的最新研究是这些新技术价值的一个例子。东北亚地区和西伯利亚地区长期被认为是新世界第 一批人类探索者的出发地。但是，是只有一次穿过白令海峡到达美洲的大规模移民浪潮，还是有几次?并且它，或它们是什么时候发生的?近年来，遗传学研究通过现代美洲原住民中遗传标记的分布提供了新的线索。

段落C

An important project,led by the biological anthropologist Robert Williams,focused on the variants(called Gm allotypes)of one particular protein immunoglobin G–found in the fluid portion of human blood.All proteins‘drift’,or produce variants,over the generations,and members of an interbreeding human population will share a set of such variants.Thus,by comparing the Gm allotypes of two different populations(e.g.two Indian tribes),one can establish their genetic‘distance’,which itself can be calibrated to give an indication of the length of time since these populations last interbred.

由生物人类学家罗伯特·威廉姆斯主持的重要项目将注意力放在一种人类血液中发现的特定的蛋白质-免疫球蛋白G的变种上。世代之间，所有蛋白质都会“漂移”或产生变体，而相互繁殖的人类种群成员将共享一组此类变体。因此，通过比较两个不同群体的Gm免疫球蛋白(例如两个印度部落)，研究人员可以确立他们的遗传“距离”。通过校准，它们可以揭示这些种群上一次互相繁殖的时间。

段落D

Williams and his colleagues sampled the blood of over 5,000 American Indians in western North America during a twenty-year period.They found that their Gm allotypes could be divided into two groups,one of which also corresponded to the genetic typing of Central and South American Indians.Other tests showed that the Inuit(or Eskimo)and Aleut3 formed a third group.From this evidence it was deduced that there had been three major waves of migration across the Bering Strait.The first,Paleo-Indian,wave more than 15,000 years ago was ancestral to all Central and South American Indians.The second wave,about 14,000-12,000 years ago,brought Na-Dene hunters,ancestors of the Navajo and Apache(who only migrated south from Canada about 600 or 700 years ago).The third wave,perhaps 10,000 or 9,000 years ago,saw the migration from North-east Asia of groups ancestral to the modern Eskimo and Aleut.

威廉姆斯和他的同事用了20年的时间在北美西部采集了超过5000名美洲印第安人的血液样本。他们发现他们的Gm免疫球蛋白可以分为两组，其中一组对应中美洲和南美洲印第安人的基因类型。其他测试表明，因纽特人(或爱斯基摩人)和阿留申人组成了第三组。从这一证据可以推断出白令海峡发生了三次大的移民浪潮。15000多年前的第 一波Paleo-Indian浪潮构成所有中美洲和南美洲印第安人的祖先。大约12000年到14000之前的第二波浪潮带来了Na-Dene猎人。他们是Navajo和Apache的祖先，600或700年前才从加拿大向南迁移。9000年到10000年前的第三波浪潮见证了现代爱斯基摩人和阿申留人的祖先从东北亚的迁徙。

段落E

How far does other research support these conclusions?Geneticist Douglas Wallace has studied mitochondrial DNA4 in blood samples from three widely separated Native American groups:Pima-Papago Indians in Arizona,Maya Indians on the Yucatán peninsula,Mexico,and Ticuna Indians in the Upper Amazon region of Brazil.As would have been predicted by Robert Williams’s work,all three groups appear to be descended from the same ancestral(Paleo-Indian)population.

其他研究在多大程度上支持了这些结论呢?遗传学家道格拉斯·华莱士研究了三个广泛分布的美洲本土人群(Arizona的Pima-Papago印第安人，墨西哥Yucatan半岛的玛雅印第安人，以及巴西北部亚马逊地区的Ticuna印第安人)血液样本中的线粒体DNA。正如罗伯特·威廉姆斯的研究所预测的那样，所有三组人群似乎来自同一祖先群体(Paleo-Indian)。

段落F

There are two other kinds of research that have thrown some light on the origins of the Native American population;they involve the study of teeth and of languages.The biological anthropologist Christy Turner is an expert in the analysis of changing physical characteristics in human teeth.He argues that tooth crowns and roots5 have a high genetic component,minimally affected by environmental and other factors.Studies carried out by Turner of many thousands of New and Old World specimens,both ancient and modern,suggest that the majority of prehistoric Americans are linked to Northern Asian populations by crown and root traits such as incisor6shoveling(a scooping out on one or both surfaces of the tooth),single-rooted upper first premolars6 and triple-rooted lower first molars6.

有另外两种研究在某种程度上揭示了美国原住民的起源。他们涉及对牙齿和语言的研究。生物人类学家克里斯蒂·特纳(Christy Turner)是分析人类牙齿物理特性变化的专家。他认为，牙冠和牙根具有很高的遗传成分，很少受环境和其他因素的影响。特纳对成千上万个古代和现代的新旧世界标本进行的研究表明，大多数史前美国人的牙冠与牙床特征与北亚人口存在联系。

According to Turner,this ties in with the idea of a single Paleo-lndian migration out of North Asia,which he sets at before 14,000 years ago by calibrating rates of dental micro-evolution.Tooth analyses also suggest that there were two later migrations of Na-Denes and Eskimo-Aleut.

特纳认为，这与Paleo-India人一次从北亚迁出的想法有关。他通过校准牙齿微观进化的速率将这一时间定在14000年前。牙齿分析还表明，后来存在Na-Denes和Eskimo–Aleut的两次迁移。

段落G

The linguist Joseph Greenberg has,since the 1950s,argued that all Native American languages belong to a single‘Amerind’family,except for Na-Dene and Eskimo-Aleut–a view that gives credence to the idea of three main migrations.Greenberg is in a minority among fellow linguists,most of whom favour the notion of a great many waves of migration to account for the more than 1,000 languages spoken at one time by American Indians.But there is no doubt that the new genetic and dental evidence provides strong backing for Greenberg’s view.Dates given for the migrations should nevertheless be treated with caution,except where supported by hard archaeological evidence.

语言学家约瑟夫·格林伯格(Joseph Greenberg)自20世纪50年代以来一直认为，除了Na-Dene和Eskimo-Aleut以外，所有美洲原住民的语言都属于“Amerind”族-这种观点支持三次主要移民浪潮的想法。格林伯格是语言学家中的少数派，其中大多数人都赞成多批次移民浪潮的概念，以解释美洲印第安人同时所讲的1000多种语言。但是毫无疑问，新的遗传学和牙科证据为格林伯格的观点提供了强有力的支持。但是，除非有确凿的考古证据支持，否则我们应谨慎对待迁徙时间。

剑桥雅思7Test3阅读Passage1原文翻译Ant Intelligence蚂蚁智能

剑桥雅思7阅读第三套题目第 一篇文章的主题为蚂蚁智能。文章分为12段，一开始先提出蚂蚁确实存在智力，然后反驳蚂蚁没有后天学习能力，接下来举了蚂蚁培养菌群、建造城市和具有寻路能力等例子来证明自己的观点。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思7 Test 3 Passage 1阅读原文翻译

第1段

When we think of intelligent members of the animal kingdom,the creatures that spring immediately to mind are apes and monkeys.But in fact the social lives of some members of the insect kingdom are sufficiently complex to suggest more than a hint of intelligence.Among these,the world of the ant has come in for considerable scrutiny lately,and the idea that ants demonstrate sparks of cognition has certainly not been rejected by those involved in these investigations.

当我们思考动物界的聪明成员时，立即想到的动物往往是猿和猴子。但事实上，昆虫王国一些成员的社会生活足够复杂，暗示着智力存在的证据。其中，蚂蚁世界最近接受了严格的检验。参与这些调查的人完全没有抵触蚂蚁表现出认知火花的想法。

第2段

Ants store food,repel attackers and use chemical signals to contact one another in case of attack.Such chemical communication can be compared to the human use of visual and auditory channels(as in religious chants,advertising images and jingles,political slogans and martial music)to arouse and propagate moods and attitudes.The biologist Lewis Thomas wrote,‘Ants are so much like human beings as to be an embarrassment.They farm fungi,raise aphids*as livestock,launch armies to war,use chemical sprays to alarm and confuse enemies,capture slaves,engage in child labour,exchange information ceaselessly.They do everything but watch television.

‘蚂蚁储存食物，击退袭击者，并在发起攻击时使用化学信号相互联系。这种化学交流可以与人类使用视觉和听觉通道(例如宗教圣歌，广告图像和叮当声，政治口号和军事音乐)进行比较，以唤起并传播情绪和态度。生物学家路易斯·托马斯(Lewis Thomas)写道：“蚂蚁与人类的相似程度甚至有些尴尬。他们耕种真菌，饲养蚜虫作为牲畜，发动军队进行战争，使用化学喷雾警告和迷惑敌人，俘虏奴隶，使用童工，不断交流信息。他们除了看电视外什么都做。

第3段

However,in ants there is no cultural transmission everything must be encoded in the genes–whereas in humans the opposite is true.Only basic instincts are carried in the genes of a newborn baby,other skills being learned from others in the community as the child grows up.It may seem that this cultural continuity gives us a huge advantage over ants.They have never mastered fire nor progressed.Their fungus farming and aphid herding crafts are sophisticated when compared to the agricultural skills of humans five thousand years ago but have been totally overtaken by modern human agribusiness.

“然而，蚂蚁不存在文化的传播-所有的一切都被编写在基因之中-而人类则相反。新生婴儿的基因只带有基本的本能，随着孩子的成长，他们会从社区中其他人那里学习其他技能。这种文化上的连续性似乎给了我们比蚂蚁更大的优势。它们从来没有掌握过火,也没有进步。与五千年前人类的农业技能相比，它们的真菌和蚜虫养殖操作十分复杂，但这已经被现代人类农业完全超越。

第4段

Or have they?The farming methods of ants are at least sustainable.They do not ruin environments or use enormous amounts of energy.Moreover,recent evidence suggests that the crop farming of ants may be more sophisticated and adaptable than was thought.

他们确实超过了吗?蚂蚁的耕种方法至少是可持续的。他们不会破坏环境或使用大量能源。此外，最近的证据表明，蚂蚁的农作物种植可能比人们想象的更复杂，更具有适应性。

第5段

Ants were farmers fifty million years before humans were.Ants can’t digest the cellulose in leaves–but some fungi can.The ants therefore cultivate these fungi in their nests,bringing them leaves to feed on,and then use them as a source of food.Farmer ants secrete antibiotics to control other fungi that might act as‘weeds’,and spread waste to fertilise the crop.

蚂蚁在人类诞生五千万年前就是农民。蚂蚁不能消化树叶中的纤维素，但是一些真菌可以。因此，蚂蚁在它们的巢穴中培育这些真菌，使它们以叶子为食，然后将其用作食物来源。农民蚂蚁分泌抗生素来控制其他可能跟杂草一样的真菌，并散布垃圾作为作物的肥料。

第6段

It was once thought that the fungus that ants cultivate was a single type that they had propagated,essentially unchanged from the distant past.Not so.Ulrich Mueller of Maryland and his colleagues genetically screened 862 different types of fungi taken from ants’nests.These turned out to be highly diverse:it seems that ants are continually domesticating new species.Even more impressively,DNA analysis of the fungi suggests that the ants improve or modify the fungi by regularly swapping and sharing strains with neighbouring ant colonies.

曾经有人认为，蚂蚁培育的真菌只有一种类型，与遥远的过去相比基本上没有变化。并非如此。马里兰州的乌尔里希·穆勒(Ulrich Mueller)和他的同事们对蚂蚁巢中取出的862种不同类型的真菌进行了基因检测。结果证明它们是高度多样化的：蚂蚁似乎正在不断驯化新物种。甚至更令人印象深刻的是，真菌的DNA分析表明，蚂蚁通过与相邻蚁群定期交换和共享菌株来改善和修正真菌。

第7段

Whereas prehistoric man had no exposure to urban lifestyles–the forcing house of intelligence–the evidence suggests that ants have lived in urban settings for close on a hundred million years,developing and maintaining underground cities of specialised chambers and tunnels.

史前人类没有接触过城市生活方式-，而这是智力出现的重要推动因素，但证据表明，蚂蚁在城市环境中生活了近一亿年，发展并维护着拥有固定用途的房间和隧道的地下城市。

第8段

When we survey Mexico City,Tokyo,Los Angeles,we are amazed at what has been accomplished by humans.Yet Hoelldobler and Wilson’s magnificent work for ant lovers,The Ants,describes a supercolony of the ant Formica yessensis on the Ishikari Coast of Hokkaido.This‘megalopolis’was reported to be composed of 360 million workers and a million queens living in 4,500interconnected nests across a territory of 2.7 square kilometres.

当我们调查墨西哥城，东京，洛杉矶时，我们对人类所取得的成就感到惊讶。然而对蚂蚁爱好者来说，Hoelldobler和Wilson宏伟的作品，The Ants，介绍了Hokkaido Ishikari海岸Formica yessensis蚂蚁的超级巢穴。据报道，这个“大都市”由3.6亿名工人和100万名女王组成，它们居住在4500个相连的巢穴中，占地2.7平方公里。

第9段

Such enduring and intricately meshed levels of technical achievement outstrip by far anything achieved by our distant ancestors.We hail as masterpieces the cave paintings in southern France and elsewhere,dating back some 20,000 years.Ant societies existed in something like their present form more than seventy million years ago.Beside this,prehistoric man looks technologically primitive.Is this then some kind of intelligence,albeit of a different kind?

如此持久而错综复杂的技术成就远远超过了我们遥远的祖先。我们赞扬2万年前法国南部和其他地区的洞穴壁画。而蚂蚁社会在七千万多年前就以他们现在的形式存在。除此之外，史前人在技术上看起来很原始。尽管类型不同，这是某种智力的表现吗?

第10段

Research conducted at Oxford,Sussex and Zürich Universities has shown that when desert ants return from a foraging trip,they navigate by integrating bearings and distances,which they continuously update in their heads.They combine the evidence of visual landmarks with a mental library of local directions,all within a framework which is consulted and updated.So ants can learn too.

牛津大学，苏塞克斯大学和苏黎世大学进行的研究表明，当沙漠蚂蚁从觅食之旅中返回时，它们通过整合方位和距离来导航，并不断在大脑中更新。他们将视觉地标证据与大脑中储存的本地方向相结合，所有这些都在一个经过查询和更新的框架内进行。所以蚂蚁也可以学习。

第11段

And in a twelve-year programme of work,Ryabko and Reznikova have found evidence that ants can transmit very complex messages.Scouts who had located food in a maze returned to mobilise their foraging teams.They engaged in contact sessions,at the end of which the scout was removed in order to observe what her team might do.Often the foragers proceeded to the exact spot in the maze where the food had been.Elaborate precautions were taken to prevent the foraging team using odour clues.Discussion now centres on whether the route through the maze is communicated as a‘left-right’sequence of turns or as a‘compass bearing and distance’message.

在长达十二年的研究项目中，里亚布科和雷兹尼科娃发现了证据，证明蚂蚁可以传递非常复杂的信息。在迷宫中找到食物的侦察兵返回，动员他们的觅食队。它们进行接触会议。随后，侦察员被移除，以观察其团队接下来的行为。觅食者常常走到迷宫中放置食物的确切地点。研究人员采取了精心的预防措施，以防止觅食团队使用气味线索。现在讨论的中心在于穿过迷宫的路径究竟是通过左右转弯序列进行交流的，还是通过方向与距离信息来传达的。

第12段

During the course of this exhaustive study,Reznikova has grown so attached to her laboratory ants that she feels she knows them as individuals–even without the paint spots used to mark them.It’s no surprise that Edward Wilson,in his essay,‘In the company of ants’,advises readers who ask what to do with the ants in their kitchen to:‘Watch where you step.Be careful of little lives.’

在这项详尽的研究过程中，雷兹尼科娃深深地被其实验室的蚂蚁所吸引，以至于她觉得自己认识其中的每一只-即使没有用来标记它们的油漆斑点。爱德华·威尔逊(Edward Wilson)在其论文“在蚂蚁的陪伴下”建议那些询问如何处理厨房中蚂蚁的读者：“注意脚下，小心这些微小的生命”。

剑桥雅思7Test2阅读Passage3原文翻译Makete Integrated Rural Transport Project马克特乡村综合交通运输项目

剑桥雅思7阅读第二套题目第三篇文章的主题为坦桑尼亚马克特地区的乡村交通一体化项目。文章共分为6部分，每部分又分成数量不等的自然段，分别介绍了该项目的实施背景，实施步骤，经验总结，以及长期影响。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思7 Test 2 Passage 3阅读原文翻译

A部分

第1段

The disappointing results of many conventional road transport projects in Africa led some experts to rethink the strategy by which rural transport problems were to be tackled at the beginning of the 1980s.A request for help in improving the availability of transport within the remote Makete District of south-western Tanzania presented the opportunity to try a new approach.

非洲许多常规道路运输项目令人失望的结果使一些专家重新考虑在20世纪80年代初解决农村运输问题的战略。寻求帮助以改善坦桑尼亚西南部偏远的马克特地区的交通便利性为尝试新方法提供了机会。

第2段

The concept of‘integrated rural transport’was adopted in the task of examining the transport needs of the rural households in the district.The objective was to reduce the time and effort needed to obtain access to essential goods and services through an improved rural transport system.The underlying assumption was that the time saved would be used instead for activities that would improve the social and economic development of the communities.The Makete Integrated Rural Transport Project(MIRTP)started in 1985 with financial support from the Swiss Development Corporation and was co-ordinated with the help of the Tanzanian government.

在考察该地区农村家庭的运输需求时，采用了“农村综合运输”的概念。目的是通过改进的农村运输系统减少获得基本商品和服务所需的时间和精力。背后假设是节省的时间将被用于从事能够改善社区社会和经济发展的活动。马克特农村综合运输项目(MIRTP)在瑞士开发公司的经济支持下于1985年开始，并由坦桑尼亚政府帮助协调。

B部分

第1段

When the project began,Makete District was virtually totally isolated during the rainy season.The regional road was in such bad shape that access to the main towns was impossible for about three months of the year.Road traffic was extremely rare within the district,and alternative means of transport were restricted to donkeys in the north of the district.People relied primarily on the paths,which were slippery and dangerous during the rains.

项目开始时，马克特地区在雨季几乎完全与世隔绝。该地区的道路状况如此恶劣，以至于一年中有三个月都无法进入主要城镇。在该地区，道路交通极为罕见。在北部，替代运输工具仅限于驴。人们主要依靠小径进出。在下雨时这条路很滑而且很危险。

第2段

Before solutions could be proposed,the problems had to be understood.Little was known about the transport demands of the rural households,so PhaseⅠ,between December 1985 and December 1987,focused on research.The socio-economic survey of more than 400 households in the district indicated that a household in Makete spent,on average,seven hours a day on transporting themselves and their goods,a figure which seemed extreme but which has also been obtained in surveys in other rural areas in Africa.Interesting facts regarding transport were found:95%was on foot;80%was within the locality;and 70%was related to the collection of water and firewood and travelling to grinding mills.

在提出解决方案之前，必须先了解问题。对农村家庭的运输需求知之甚少。因此，从1985年12月至1987年12月的第 一阶段将重点放在研究上。对该地区400多个家庭进行的社会经济调查表明，马克特一个家庭平均每天花费7个小时来运输他们自己和货物，这个数字看似极端，但在非洲其他地区进行的调查也得出了相同的结论。有关交通运输的有趣事实如下：95%靠步行;80%在当地;70%与收集水和柴火，并前往磨坊有关。

C部分

第1段

Having determined the main transport needs,possible solutions were identified which might reduce the time and burden.During PhaseⅡ,from January to February 1991,a number of approaches were implemented in an effort to improve mobility and access to transport.

确定主要交通运输需求之后，提出了可能的解决方案。它们可以减少时间和负担。在第二阶段，即1991年1月至2月，实施了许多方法以努力改善流动性和交通便利性。

第2段

An improvement of the road network was considered necessary to ensure the import and export of goods to the district.These improvements were carried out using methods that were heavily dependent on labour.In addition to the improvement of roads,these methods provided training in the operation of a mechanical workshop and bus and truck services.However,the difference from the conventional approach was that this time consideration was given to local transport needs outside the road network.

人们认为有必要改善道路网络，以确保该地区的货物进出。这些提升使用严重依赖人工的方法。除了改善道路外，这些方案还提供机械车间以及公共汽车和卡车服务的操作培训。但是，与传统方法的区别在于，这次考虑的是路网之外的本地运输需求。

第3段

Most goods were transported along the paths that provide short-cuts up and down the hillsides,but the paths were a real safety risk and made the journey on foot even more arduous.It made sense to improve the paths by building steps,handrails and footbridges.

大多数货物都通过上下山的捷径进行运输。但是这些路径存在安全隐患，使徒步过程更加艰巨。通过建造台阶，扶手和人行桥梁来改善道路是有意义的。

第4段

It was uncommon to find means of transport that were more efficient than walking but less technologically advanced than motor vehicles.The use of bicycles was constrained by their high cost and the lack of available spare parts.Oxen were not used at all but donkeys were used by a few households in the northern part of the district.MIRTP focused on what would be most appropriate for the inhabitants of Makete in terms of what was available,how much they could afford and what they were willing to accept.After careful consideration,the project chose the promotion of donkeys–a donkey costs less than a bicycle-and the introduction of a locally manufacturable wheelbarrow.

找到一种比步行更高效但技术先进程度低于机动车的运输方式并不寻常。自行车的使用受制于其高昂的成本和缺乏可用的备件。该地区北部的几户居民根本不用牛，但却用驴子。MIRTP努力寻找最适合马克特地区居民的交通方式，专注于有哪些方式可供选择，他们可以承担多少开支，以及他们愿意接受什么。经过仔细考虑，该项目选择推广驴-驴的成本低于自行车-并引入在本地就可以制造的独轮车。

D部分

第1段

At the end of PhaseⅡ,it was clear that the selected approaches to Makete’s transport problems had had different degrees of success.PhaseⅢ,from March 1991 to March 1993,focused on the refinement and institutionalisation of these activities.

在第二阶段结束时，针对马克特地区交通运输问题所选择的方法很明显获得了不同程度的成功。1991年3月至1993年3月的第三阶段着重于这些活动的完善和制度化。

第2段

The road improvements and accompanying maintenance system had helped make the district centre accessible throughout the year.Essential goods from outside the district had become more readily available at the market,and prices did not fluctuate as much as they had done before.

道路的改善和配套的养护系统使得整个区域中心全年都能通行。来自地区之外的必要商品在市场上变得越来越容易获得，价格的波动也没有以前那样大。

第3段

Paths and secondary roads were improved only at the request of communities who were willing to participate in construction and maintenance.However,the improved paths impressed the inhabitants,and requests for assistance greatly increased soon after only a few improvements had been completed.

只有在愿意参与建设和维护的社区的要求下，才会对道路和次要道路进行改善。但是，改善之后的道路给居民留下了深刻的印象。在完成了一些改进之后不就，对援助的请求大大增加。

第4段

The efforts to improve the efficiency of the existing transport services were not very successful because most of the motorised vehicles in the district broke down and there were no resources to repair them.Even the introduction of low-cost means of transport was difficult because of the general poverty of the district.The locally manufactured wheelbarrows were still too expensive for all but a few of the households.Modifications to the original design by local carpenters cut production time and costs.Other local carpenters have been trained in the new design so that they can respond to requests.Nevertheless,a locally produced wooden wheelbarrow which costs around 5000Tanzanian shillings(less than US$20)in Makete,and is about one quarter the cost of a metal wheelbarrow,is still too expensive for most people.

改善现有运输服务效率的努力不是很成功，因为该地区的大多数机动车辆出现故障，并且没有资源对其进行维修。由于该地区普遍贫困，即使采用低成本的交通工具也很困难。对于大多数家庭来说，当地制造的独轮车仍然太贵了。当地木匠对原始设计进行修改，减少了生产时间和成本。其他本地木匠已经接受新设计的培训，以便他们可以响应要求。然而，马克特本地生产的价值约5000坦桑尼亚先令(不到20美元)的独轮车(只有金属独轮车价格的四分之一)对大多数人来说仍然过于昂贵。

第5段

Donkeys,which were imported to the district,have become more common and contribute,in particular,to the transportation of crops and goods to market.Those who have bought donkeys are mainly from richer households but,with an increased supply through local breeding,donkeys should become more affordable.Meanwhile,local initiatives are promoting the renting out of the existing donkeys.

引入到该地区的驴子变得更加普遍，并且尤其有助于将农作物和商品运输到市场。驴的购买者主要来自较富裕的家庭，但随着本地养殖的增加，驴的价格应会降低。同时，地方政府正在推进出租现有的驴子。

第6段

It should be noted,however,that a donkey,which at 20,000Tanzanian shillings costs less than a bicycle,is still an investment equal to an average household’s income over half a year.This clearly illustrates the need for supplementary measures if one wants to assist the rural poor.

但是，应该指出的是，价值20000坦桑尼亚先令的驴虽然比自行车要便宜，但仍然是相当于普通家庭半年多收入的一项投资。这清楚的表明，如果要帮助农村贫困人口，就需要采取补充措施。

E部分

It would have been easy to criticise the MIRTP for using in the early phases a‘top-down’approach,in which decisions were made by experts and officials before being handed down to communities,but it was necessary to start the process from the level of the governmental authorities of the district.It would have been difficult to respond to the requests of villagers and other rural inhabitants without the support and understanding of district authorities.

批评MIRTP在早期阶段使用“自上而下”的推动方法很容易，因为这是由专家和官员做出的决定，然后才下达给社区。但是从地区政府层面开始推进这一过程很有必要。没有地区当局的支持和理解，很难回应村民和其他农村居民的要求。

F部分

第1段

Today,nobody in the district argues about the importance of improved paths and inexpensive means of transport.But this is the result of dedicated work over a long period,particularly from the officers in charge of community development.They played an essential role in raising awareness and interest among the rural communities.

今天，该地区没有人怀疑道路改善和廉价运输工具的重要性。但这是长期以来的不懈努力的结果，特别是来自负责社区发展的官员的努力。他们在提升农村社区的认识和兴趣方面发挥了关键性作用。

第2段

The concept of integrated rural transport is now well established in Tanzania,where a major program of rural transport is just about to start.The experiences from Makete will help in this initiative,and Makete District will act as a reference for future work.

现在，坦桑尼亚已经很好地确立了农村综合运输的概念。在那里即将开始一项重要的农村交通计划。马克特的经验将有助于此计划，同时马克特地区也将作为未来工作的参考。

剑桥雅思7Test2阅读Passage2原文翻译The True Cost of Food食物的真正成本

剑桥雅思7阅读第二套题目第二篇文章的主题为食物的真正成本。文章共有7个自然段，分别介绍了食物成本所包含的内容，现代农业对环境的破坏，人们对食品经济代价的认识不足，食品成本的计算方式，随之而来的真正成本，以及相应的解决方案。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思7 Test 2 Passage 2阅读原文翻译

段落A

For more than forty years the cost of food has been rising.It has now reached a point where a growing number of people believe that it is far too high,and that bringing it down will be one of the great challenges of the twenty-first century.That cost,however,is not in immediate cash.In the west at least,most food is now far cheaper to buy in relative terms than it was in 1960.The cost is in the collateral damage of the very methods of food production that have made the food cheaper:in the pollution of water,the enervation of soil,the destruction of wildlife,the harm to animal welfare and the threat to human health caused by modern industrial agriculture.

四十多年来，食品的成本一直在上升。现在已经到了一个越来越多的人认为它太高的地步。降低它将是二十一世纪的巨大挑战之一。但是，这笔费用不是立即用现金支付的。至少在西方，相对而言，现在大多数食品要比1960年便宜。代价在于使粮食更加便宜的生产方法所带来的附带损害：现代农业造成水污染，土壤退化，破坏野生动植物，危害动物安全，威胁人类健康。

段落B

First mechanisation,then mass use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides,then monocultures,then battery rearing of livestock,and now genetic engineering–the onward march of intensive farming has seemed unstoppable in the last half-century,as the yields of produce have soared.But the damage it has caused has been colossal.In Britain,for example,many of our best-loved farmland birds,such as the skylark,the grey partridge,the lapwing and the corn bunting,have vanished from huge stretches of countryside,as have even more wild flowers and insects.This is a direct result of the way we have produced our food in the last four decades.Thousands of miles of hedgerows,thousands of ponds,have disappeared from the landscape.The faecal filth of salmon farming has driven wild salmon from many of the sea lochs and rivers of Scotland.Natural soil fertility is dropping in many areas because of continuous industrial fertiliser and pesticide use,while the growth of algae is increasing in lakes because of the fertiliser run-off.

先是机械化，然后大量使用化肥和杀虫剂，再然后是单一种植，畜牧业的笼内饲养，再到现在的基因工程-在过去的半个世纪中，随着农产品产量猛增，集约农业的前进步伐似乎不可阻挡。但是它造成的破坏是巨大的。例如，在英国，许多我们喜爱农田鸟类，如云雀，灰山鹑，凤头麦鸡和黍鹀，从广阔的乡村消失。随之消失的还有更多的野花和昆虫。这是我们在过去的四十年里食物生产的直接结果。数千英里的树篱，数千个池塘从地面上消失。鲑鱼养殖的粪便污染已将野生鲑鱼从苏格兰的许多海湾和河流中驱除出去。由于持续使用工业肥料和杀虫剂，许多地区的自然土壤肥力正在下降，而由于肥料流失，湖泊中藻类的生长正在增加。

段落C

Put it all together and it looks like a battlefield,but consumers rarely make the connection at the dinner table.That is mainly because the costs of all this damage are what economists refer to as externalities:they are outside the main transaction,which is for example producing and selling a field of wheat,and are borne directly by neither producers nor consumers.To many,the costs may not even appear to be financial at all,but merely aesthetic–a terrible shame,but nothing to do with money.And anyway they,as consumers of food,certainly aren’t paying for it,are they?

将它们放在一起看起来就像是战场，但消费者在餐桌旁很少将它们联系起来。这主要是因为所有这些损失被经济学家称为外部性：它们不在主要交易(例如生产和出售一块麦田)的范围之内，既不由生产者也不由消费者直接承担。对许多人来说，代价似乎仅仅是美学上的，而根本不算是经济上的-虽然是可怕的耻辱，但与金钱无关。无论如何，他们作为食品的消费者肯定不会为此付费，是吗?

段落D

But the costs to society can actually be quantified and,when added up,can amount to staggering sums.A remarkable exercise in doing this has been carried out by one of the world’s leading thinkers on the future of agriculture,Professor Jules Pretty,Director of the Centre for Environment and Society at the University of Essex.Professor Pretty and his colleagues calculated the externalities of British agriculture for one particular year.They added up the costs of repairing the damage it caused,and came up with a total figure of￡2,343m.This is equivalent to￡208 for every hectare of arable land and permanent pasture,almost as much again as the total government and EU spend on British farming in that year.And according to Professor Pretty,it was a conservative estimate.

但是，社会的成本实际上是可以量化的，加起来可以达到惊人的数目。埃塞克斯大学环境与社会研究中心主任朱尔斯·普里斯(Jules Pretty)教授是全球领先的农业未来思想家之一。他在这方面进行了卓著的实践。Pretty教授和他的同事计算了特定年份英国农业的外部性。他们汇总了修复农业造成的破坏所需要的成本，共计23.43亿英镑。平均下来每公顷耕地和永 久牧场208英镑，几乎是该年政府和欧盟在英国农业上的总支出的两倍。根据Pretty教授的说法，这还只是保守的估计。

段落E

The costs included:￡120m for removal of pesticides;￡16m for removal of nitrates;￡55m for removal of phosphates and soil;￡23m for the removal of the bug cryptosporidium from drinking water by water companies;￡125m for damage to wildlife habitats,hedgerows and dry stone walls;￡1,113m from emissions of gases likely to contribute to climate change;￡106m from soil erosion and organic carbon losses;￡169m from food poisoning;and￡607m from cattle disease.Professor Pretty draws a simple but memorable conclusion from all this:our food bills are actually threefold.We are paying for our supposedly cheaper food in three separate ways:once over the counter,secondly through our taxes,which provide the enormous subsidies propping up modern intensive farming,and thirdly to clean up the mess that modern farming leaves behind.

费用包括：1亿2千万英镑用于去除杀虫剂;1600万去除硝酸盐;5500万英镑用于去除磷酸盐和土壤;2300万用于自来水公司清除饮用水中的隐孢子虫;1亿2千500万英镑用于野生动物栖息地，树篱和干石墙的破坏;11.13亿英镑用于可能造成气候变化的气体排放;1亿600万英镑用于土壤侵蚀和有机碳的损失;1亿6千700万用于食物中毒;以及6亿700万用于牲畜疾病。Pretty教授从这一切得出一个简单但令人难忘的结论：我们的食品账单实际上包含三重内容。我们正在以三种不同的方式为我们本应便宜的食品买单：一次是柜台交易。其次是通过我们的税收。它提供了支持现代集约农业的巨额补贴。最后是清理现代农业留下的烂摊子。

段落F

So can the true cost of food be brought down?Breaking away from industrial agriculture as the solution to hunger may be very hard for some countries,but in Britain,where the immediate need to supply food is less urgent,and the costs and the damage of intensive farming have been clearly seen,it may be more feasible.The government needs to create sustainable,competitive and diverse farming and food sectors,which will contribute to a thriving and sustainable rural economy,and advance environmental,economic,health,and animal welfare goals.

那么，食品的真实成本可以降低吗?对于某些国家而言，摆脱作为饥饿解决方案的工业化农业可能非常困难，但是在英国，眼前的粮食供应需求并不那么紧迫，而且集约化耕作的代价和损害已得到明显体现，摆脱工业化农业更加可行。政府需要创建可持续、充满竞争和多样化的农业与粮食部门，这将为蓬勃发展和可持续的农村经济做出贡献，并促进环境、经济、健康和动物安全目标的实现。

段落G

But if industrial agriculture is to be replaced,what is a viable alternative?Professor Pretty feels that organic farming would be too big a jump in thinking and in practices for many farmers.Furthermore,the price premium would put the produce out of reach of many poorer consumers.He is recommending the immediate introduction of a‘Greener Food Standard’,which would push the market towards more sustainable environmental practices than the current norm,while not requiring the full commitment to organic production.Such a standard would comprise agreed practices for different kinds of farming,covering agrochemical use,soil health,land management,water and energy use,food safety and animal health.It could go a long way,he says,to shifting consumers as well as farmers towards a more sustainable system of agriculture.

但是，如果要取代工业农业，可行的选择是什么呢?Pretty教授认为有机农业对许多农民的思想和实践来说步子太大。此外，价格溢价将使产品无法满足许多较贫穷的消费者的需求。他建议立即引入“绿色食品标准”，这将推动市场朝着比当前规范更具可持续性的环境实践发展，同时不需要对有机生产做出全面承诺。该标准将包括针对各种农业的统一实践，涵盖农用化学品的使用，土壤健康，土地管理，水和能源的使用，食品安全和动物健康。他说，要使消费者和农民转向更可持续的农业体系，还有很长的路要走。

剑桥雅思7Test2阅读Passage1原文翻译Why pagodas don’t fall down日本高塔为何不倒

剑桥雅思7阅读第二套题目第 一篇文章的主题为探讨日本高塔为何屹立不倒的原因。文章共有9段，大体分为三部分。第 一部分介绍日本高塔不倒的事实及其不凡之处，第二部分介绍中国高塔和日本高塔的区别，第三部分介绍其不倒的具体原因。

剑桥雅思7 Test 2 Passage 1阅读原文翻译

第1自然段

In a land swept by typhoons and shaken by earthquakes,how have Japan’s tallest and seemingly flimsiest old buildings–500 or so wooden pagodas–remained standing for centuries?Records show that only two have collapsed during the past 1400 years.Those that have disappeared were destroyed by fire as a result of lightning or civil war.The disastrous Hanshin earthquake in 1995 killed 6,400 people,toppled elevated highways,flattened office blocks and devastated the port area of Kobe.Yet it left the magnificent five-storey pagoda at the Toji temple in nearby Kyoto unscathed,though it levelled a number of buildings in the neighbourhood.

在台风席卷，地震频繁的土地上，日本最 高、看似最脆弱的老建筑-500座左右的木制宝塔-如何屹立了几个世纪?记录显示在过去的1400年中只有两座倒塌。大多数都是被闪电或内战导致的大火摧毁。在1995年灾难性的阪神地震中遇难6400人，高架公路倒塌，办公块被夷为平地和神户港区被破坏。尽管它摧毁了附近的许多建筑物，但却毫发无损地保留了京都东寺附近的五层宝塔。

第2自然段

Japanese scholars have been mystified for ages about why these tall,slender buildings are so stable.It was only thirty years ago that the building industry felt confident enough to erect office blocks of steel and reinforced concrete that had more than a dozen floors.With its special shock absorbers to dampen the effect of sudden sideways movements from an earthquake,the thirty-six-storey Kasumigaseki building in central Tokyo–Japan’s first skyscraper–was considered a masterpiece of modern engineering when it was built in 1968.

对于这些高大而纤细的建筑物为何如此稳定，古往今来日本学者一直感到困惑。仅仅在30年前，建筑行业才感到足够自信，可以竖立有十多个楼层的钢筋混凝土办公楼。凭借其特殊的减震器来减轻地震中突然侧向运动的影响，位于东京市中心的这栋三十六层的霞关大厦-日本的第 一座摩天大楼-于1968年建成时被认为是现代工程学的杰作。

第3自然段

Yet in 826,with only pegs and wedges to keep his wooden structure upright,the master builder Kobodaishi had no hesitation in sending his majestic Toji pagoda soaring fifty-five metres into the sky–nearly half as high as the Kasumigaseki skyscraper built some eleven centuries later.Clearly,Japanese carpenters of the day knew a few tricks about allowing a building to sway and settle itself rather than fight nature’s forces.But what sort of tricks?

然而，在826年，仅用钉子和楔子将木结构保持直立，建筑工匠大师Kobodaishi毫不犹豫地将雄伟的Toji塔修建成高耸入云的55米-几乎是十一世纪后霞关大厦高度的一半。显然，那时的日本木匠知道一些技巧，可以使建筑物摇摆并自行安顿下来，而不是与自然力量作斗争。但是究竟是什么样的技巧呢?

第4自然段

The multi-storey pagoda came to Japan from China in the sixth century.As in China,they were first introduced with Buddhism and were attached to important temples.The Chinese built their pagodas in brick or stone,with inner staircases,and used them in later centuries mainly as watchtowers.When the pagoda reached Japan,however,its architecture was freely adapted to local conditions–they were built less high,typically five rather than nine storeys,made mainly of wood and the staircase was dispensed with because the Japanese pagoda did not have any practical use but became more of an art object.Because of the typhoons that batter Japan in the summer,Japanese builders learned to extend the eaves of buildings further beyond the walls.This prevents rainwater gushing down the walls.Pagodas in China and Korea have nothing like the overhang that is found on pagodas in Japan.

多层宝塔于六世纪从中国传入日本。像在中国一样，它们最初是由佛教引入的，并作为重要寺庙的附属物。中国人用砖或石头建造宝塔，内部带有楼梯，并在以后的几个世纪中主要将其用作瞭望塔。但是，当宝塔到达日本后，其结构适应当地条件-它们的建造高度较低，通常只有五层而不是九层，主要由木头制成，并且由于日本宝塔没有任何实际用途并且更多的被当作艺术品，因此取消了楼梯。由于夏季遭受台风袭击，日本建筑工人将建筑物的屋檐延伸到墙外。这样可以防止雨水冲击墙壁。中国和韩国的宝塔没有日本宝塔上的这种突出物。

第5自然段

The roof of a Japanese temple building can be made to overhang the sides of the structure by fifty per cent or more of the building’s overall width.For the same reason,the builders of Japanese pagodas seem to have further increased their weight by choosing to cover these extended eaves not with the porcelain tiles of many Chinese pagodas but with much heavier earthenware tiles.

日本寺庙建筑的屋顶可以超出建筑物整体宽度的50%或更多。出于同样的原因，日本宝塔的建造者似乎通过选择重的多的陶器砖而非像中国那样的瓷砖来覆盖延伸的屋檐，以进一步增加宝塔的重量。

第6自然段

But this does not totally explain the great resilience of Japanese pagodas.Is the answer that,like a tall pine tree,the Japanese pagoda–with its massive trunk-like central pillar known as shinbashira–simply flexes and sways during a typhoon or earthquake?For centuries,many thought so.But the answer is not so simple because the startling thing is that the shinbashira actually carries no load at all.In fact,in some pagoda designs,it does not even rest on the ground,but is suspended from the top of the pagoda–hanging loosely down through the middle of the building.The weight of the building is supported entirely by twelve outer and four inner columns.

但这并不能完全解释日本宝塔的强大韧性。答案是像下面这样吗?就像一棵高大的松树一样，日本宝塔(其巨大的树干状中央支柱被称为shinbashira)在台风或地震中只是弯曲和摇摆?几个世纪以来，许多人都这样认为。但是答案并非如此简单，因为令人吃惊的是shinbashira实际上根本没有承重。实际上，在某些宝塔设计中，它甚至没有置于地面，而是从宝塔的顶部悬挂下来-松散地挂在建筑物中间。建筑物的重量完全由十二个外柱和四个内柱支撑。

第7自然段

And what is the role of the shinbashira,the central pillar?The best way to understand the shinbashira’s role is to watch a video made by Shuzo Ishida,a structural engineer at Kyoto Institute of Technology.Mr Ishida,known to his students as‘Professor Pagoda’because of his passion to understand the pagoda,has built a series of models and tested them on a‘shake-table’in his laboratory.In short,the shinbashira was acting like an enormous stationary pendulum.The ancient craftsmen,apparently without the assistance of very advanced mathematics,seemed to grasp the principles that were,more than a thousand years later,applied in the construction of Japan’s first skyscraper.What those early craftsmen had found by trial and error was that under pressure a pagoda’s loose stack of floors could be made to slither to and fro independent of one another.Viewed from the side,the pagoda seemed to be doing a snake dance–with each consecutive floor moving in the opposite direction to its neighbours above and below.The shinbashira,running up through a hole in the centre of the building,constrained individual storeys from moving too far because,after moving a certain distance,they banged into it,transmitting energy away along the column.

那么，核心支柱shinbashira的作用是什么?了解shinbashira作用的最好方法是观看京都工业大学结构工程师石田修三制作的视频。石田先生因热衷于研究宝塔而被学生称为“宝塔教授”，他已经建立了一系列模型并在实验室的“振动台”上对其进行了测试。简而言之，shinbashira像一个巨大的静止钟摆。古代工匠显然没有先进数学方法的辅助，但似乎掌握了一千多年后在日本建造第 一座摩天大楼时所应用的原理。这些早期的工匠通过反复试验发现，宝塔松散楼层在压力下可以相互独立地来回滑动。从侧面看，宝塔似乎在做蛇舞-相邻的楼层按照与上下楼层相反的方向移动。穿过建筑物中心孔洞的shinbashira限制了各个楼层的移动幅度，因为在其移动一定距离后，就会撞到柱子上，沿着圆柱将能量传递出去。

第8自然段

Another strange feature of the Japanese pagoda is that,because the building tapers,with each successive floor plan being smaller than the one below,none of the vertical pillars that carry the weight of the building is connected to its corresponding pillar above.In other words,a five-storey pagoda contains not even one pillar that travels right up through the building to carry the structural loads from the top to the bottom.More surprising is the fact that the individual storeys of a Japanese pagoda,unlike their counterparts elsewhere,are not actually connected to each other.They are simply stacked one on top of another like a pile of hats.Interestingly,such a design would not be permitted under current Japanese building regulations.

日本宝塔的另一个奇怪特征是，由于建筑物逐渐变细，每个连续的楼层的面积都小于下面的楼层，因此没有任何承载建筑物重量的垂直支柱与上方的相应支柱相连。换句话说，一座五层楼的宝塔甚至不包含一根贯穿整个建筑物的柱子，以将结构荷载从顶部传递到底部。更令人惊讶的是，与其他地方的宝塔不同，日本塔的各个楼层实际上并未相互连接。它们就像一堆帽子一样，一个接一个地堆叠在一起。有趣的是，根据当前的日本建筑法规，这种设计是不允许的。

第9自然段

And the extra-wide eaves?Think of them as a tightrope walker’s balancing pole.The bigger the mass at each end of the pole,the easier it is for the tightrope walker to maintain his or her balance.The same holds true for a pagoda.‘With the eaves extending out on all sides like balancing poles,’says Mr Ishida,‘the building responds to even the most powerful jolt of an earthquake with a graceful swaying,never an abrupt shaking.’Here again,Japanese master builders of a thousand years ago anticipated concepts of modern structural engineering.

超宽屋檐呢?将它们想象成走钢丝的人的平衡杆。杆子两端的质量越大，走钢丝的人就越容易保持平衡。宝塔也是如此。石田先生说：“屋檐像平衡杆一样向四面八方延伸，即使是地震中最强烈的颠簸，建筑物也可以平稳地摇摆，而不会突然晃动”。又一次的，一千年前的日本建筑大师们预测到了现代结构工程的概念。

剑桥雅思7Test1阅读Passage3原文翻译educating psyche暗示教学法

剑桥雅思7阅读第 一套题目第三篇文章的主题为暗示教学法。文章分为7段，分别介绍了一本关于新型教学法的书籍，该教学法建立的依据，诞生过程，实施方式，课程效果，存在的弊端等内容。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思7 Test 1 Passage 3阅读原文翻译

第1自然段

Educating Psyche by Bernie Neville is a book which looks at radical new approaches to learning,describing the effects of emotion,imagination and the unconscious on learning.One theory discussed in the book is that proposed by George Lozanov,which focuses on the power of suggestion.

伯尼·内维尔(Bernie Neville)撰写的《教育心理》一书探讨了全新的学习方法，描述了情感，想象力和无意识对学习的影响。本书中讨论的一种理论是乔治·洛扎诺夫(George Lozanov)提出的，它着眼于建议的力量。

第2自然段

Lozanov’s instructional technique is based on the evidence that the connections made in the brain through unconscious processing(which he calls non-specific mental reactivity)are more durable than those made through conscious processing.Besides the laboratory evidence for this,we know from our experience that we often remember what we have perceived peripherally,long after we have forgotten what we set out to learn.If we think of a book we studied months or years ago,we will find it easier to recall peripheral details–the colour,the binding,the typeface,the table at the library where we sat while studying it–than the content on which we were concentrating.If we think of a lecture we listened to with great concentration,we will recall the lecturer’s appearance and mannerisms,our place in the auditorium,the failure of the air-conditioning,much more easily than the ideas we went to learn.Even if these peripheral details are a bit elusive,they come back readily in hypnosis or when we relive the event imaginatively,as in psychodrama.The details of the content of the lecture,on the other hand,seem to have gone forever.

洛扎诺夫(Lozanov)的教学方法基于以下证据：通过无意识加工在大脑中建立的联系(他称之为非特定的心理反应)比通过有意识加工建立的联系更持久。除了支持这一观点的实验室证据外，我们从自己的经验中也能得知，在我们忘记所学习的东西很久之后，我们经常会记住周围的事项。如果我们想想几个月或几年前学习过的书，我们会发现回忆周围的细节(颜色，装订，字体，我们在图书馆时所坐的桌子)比回忆我们当时正在专心阅读的内容要简单。如果我们想想曾经专心听过的讲座，回忆讲师的外貌和举止，我们在观众席中的位置，空调的故障，要比回忆我们学到的观念容易得多。即使这些外围细节有些难以捉摸，它们也很容易在催眠状态下或当我们重温事件时出现。另一方面，讲课内容的细节似乎永远消失了。

第3自然段

This phenomenon can be partly attributed to the common counterproductive approach to study(making extreme efforts to memorise,tensing muscles,inducing fatigue),but it also simply reflects the way the brain functions.Lozanov therefore made indirect instruction(suggestion)central to his teaching system.In suggestopedia,as he called his method,consciousness is shifted away from the curriculum to focus on something peripheral.The curriculum then becomes peripheral and is dealt with by the reserve capacity of the brain.

这种现象可以部分归因于常见的适得其反的学习方法(尽力去记忆，拉紧肌肉，诱发疲劳)，但它也反映了大脑运转的方式。因此，洛扎诺夫将间接指导(建议)作为其教学体系的核心。正如他所说的那样，在暗示教学法中，意识从课程转移到专注于某些外围事物。然后课程成为外围事项，由大脑的储备能力处理。

第4自然段

The suggestopedic approach to foreign language learning provides a good illustration.In its most recent variant(1980),it consists of the reading of vocabulary and text while the class is listening to music.The first session is in two parts.In the first part,the music is classical(Mozart,Beethoven,Brahms)and the teacher reads the text slowly and solemnly,with attention to the dynamics of the music.The students follow the text in their books.This is followed by several minutes of silence.In the second part,they listen to baroque music(Bach,Corelli,Handel)while the teacher reads the text in a normal speaking voice.During this time they have their books closed.During the whole of this session,their attention is passive;they listen to the music but make no attempt to learn the material.

用暗示教学法学习外语提供了很好的例证。在其最新版本(1980)中，该课程包括在课堂上听音乐的同时阅读词汇和文本。第 一节分为两部分。在第 一部分中，音乐是古典乐(莫扎特，贝多芬，勃拉姆斯)，老师会缓慢而庄重地阅读文本，将注意力放在音乐上。学生们根据书本上的文章学习。接下来是几分钟的沉默。在第二部分中，他们听巴洛克音乐(巴赫，科雷利，汉德尔)，而老师则以普通语音朗读文本。在此期间他们合上书本。在整个过程中，他们的注意力是不集中的。他们听音乐，但没有尝试学习这些资料。

第5自然段

Beforehand,the students have been carefully prepared for the language learning experience.Through meeting with the staff and satisfied students they develop the expectation that learning will be easy and pleasant and that they will successfully learn several hundred words of the foreign language during the class.In a preliminary talk,the teacher introduces them to the material to be covered,but does not‘teach’it.Likewise,the students are instructed not to try to learn it during this introduction.

事先，学生已经为语言学习经历作了精心准备。通过与员工和满意的学生的见面，他们产生了学习会简单轻松并且将在课堂上成功地学习数百个外语单词的想法。在初步讲解中，老师向他们介绍了要学习的材料，但没有“教”它。同样，在介绍过程中，学生要要求不要尝试学习它。

第6自然段

Some hours after the two-part session,there is a follow-up class at which the students are stimulated to recall the material presented.Once again the approach is indirect.The students do not focus their attention on trying to remember the vocabulary,but focus on using the language to communicate(e.g.through games or improvised dramatisations).Such methods are not unusual in language teaching.What is distinctive in the suggestopedic method is that they are devoted entirely to assisting recall.The‘learning’of the material is assumed to be automatic and effortless,accomplished while listening to music.The teacher’s task is to assist the students to apply what they have learned paraconsciously,and in doing so to make it easily accessible to consciousness.Another difference from conventional teaching is the evidence that students can regularly learn 1000 new words of a foreign language during a suggestopedic session,as well as grammar and idiom.

在分为两部分的课程结束之后的几个小时内，会有一个后续课程。该课程会激发学生回忆所介绍的材料。同样，该方法是间接的。学生们不会将注意力集中在试图记住的词汇上，而是着重使用语言进行交流(例如，通过游戏或即兴表演)。这种方法在语言教学中并不罕见。暗示教学法的独特之处是它们完全致力于协助回忆。材料的“学习”被认为是自动且轻松的，在听音乐的同时完成。教师的任务是协助学生将他们所学的知识通过潜意识应用出来，并使其易于被意识所接受。与常规教学的另一个不同之处在于，证据表明学生可以在暗示教学期间学会1000个新外语单词，以及语法和习语。

第7自然段

Lozanov experimented with teaching by direct suggestion during sleep,hypnosis and trance states,but found such procedures unnecessary.Hypnosis,yoga,Silva mind-control,religious ceremonies and faith healing are all associated with successful suggestion,but none of their techniques seem to be essential to it.Such rituals may be seen as placebos.Lozanov acknowledges that the ritual surrounding suggestion in his own system is also a placebo,but maintains that without such a placebo people are unable or afraid to tap the reserve capacity of their brains.Like any placebo,it must be dispensed with authority to be effective.Just as a doctor calls on the full power of autocratic suggestion by insisting that the patient take precisely this white capsule precisely three times a day before meals,Lozanov is categoric in insisting that the suggestopedic session be conducted exactly in the manner designated,by trained and accredited suggestopedic teachers.

洛扎诺夫在睡觉，催眠和发呆状态下通过直接暗示进行了教学实验，但发现这样的程序并不必要。催眠，瑜伽，席尔瓦(Silva)心理控制，宗教仪式和信仰康复都与成功的暗示有关，但是这些方法似乎都不是必不可少的。这种仪式可以被视为安慰剂。洛扎诺夫(Lozanov)承认在他自己的体系中仪式性的周边暗示也是安慰剂，但他坚持认为，没有这样的安慰剂，人们将无法或害怕挖掘大脑的储备能力。像任何安慰剂一样，必须富有权威才能有效。正如医生通过坚持要求患者每天饭前精确地服用三粒白色胶囊来充分发挥权威暗示的全部力量一样，洛扎诺夫(Lozanov)坚决主张严格按照设计的方式，由受过训练、经过认可的暗示教学法的老师进行暗示教学。

第8自然段

While suggestopedia has gained some notoriety through success in the teaching of modern languages,few teachers are able to emulate the spectacular results of Lozanov and his associates.We can,perhaps,attribute mediocre results to an inadequate placebo effect.The students have not developed the appropriate mind set.They are often not motivated to learn through this method.They do not have enough‘faith’.They do not see it as‘real teaching’,especially as it does not seem to involve the‘work’they have learned to believe is essential to learning.

尽管暗示教学法通过现代语言教学上的成功声名鹊起，但很少有老师能够模仿洛扎诺夫及其同事的惊人成果。我们也许可以将平庸的结果归因于安慰剂作用不足。学生们尚未建立适当的思维定势。他们通常没有动力通过这种方法学习。他们没有足够的“信仰”。他们不认为这是“真正的教学”，尤其是当它似乎不涉及他们所认为的对学习至关重要的“努力”。

剑桥雅思7Test1阅读Passage2原文翻译making every drop count高效利用水资源

剑桥雅思7阅读第 一套题目第二篇文章的主题为高效利用水资源。文章分为8段，分别介绍了古罗马的供水系统，工业革命后用水量的激增，众多人口处于缺水状态，水利设施对人们生活的影响，新千年政策规划者思路的改变，用水量的下降与相关的解释。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思7 Test 1 Passage 2阅读原文翻译

段落A

The history of human civilisation is entwined with the history of the ways we have learned to manipulate water resources.As towns gradually expanded,water was brought from increasingly remote sources,leading to sophisticated engineering efforts such as dams and aqueducts.At the height of the Roman Empire,nine major systems,with an innovative layout of pipes and well-built sewers,supplied the occupants of Rome with as much water per person as is provided in many parts of the industrial world today.

人类的历史与我们学习利用水资源的历史交织在一起。随着城镇的逐渐扩展，水源越来越远，带来了诸如水坝和水渠之类的复杂工程。在罗马帝国的鼎盛时期，创新的管道布局和精心设计的下水道构成的九大系统，为罗马的居民提供了与当今工业世界许多地方一样多的人均水量。

段落B

During the industrial revolution and population explosion of the 19th and 20th centuries,the demand for water rose dramatically.Unprecedented construction of tens of thousands of monumental engineering projects designed to control floods,protect clean water supplies,and provide water for irrigation and hydropower brought great benefits to hundreds of millions of people.Food production has kept pace with soaring populations mainly because of the expansion of artificial irrigation systems that make possible the growth of 40%of the world’s food.Nearly one fifth of all the electricity generated worldwide is produced by turbines spun by the power of falling water.

19世纪和20世纪工业革命和人口爆炸期间，水的需求量急剧上升。为了控制洪水，保护清洁水源以及为灌溉和水力发电供水，数以万计的大型工程项目被建设起来，为数亿人民带来了巨大的利益。粮食生产与人口增长保持同步，这主要是因为人工灌溉系统的扩大使世界上40%的粮食增长成为可能。全世界发电量中有将近五分之一是水力推动的涡轮产生的。

段落C

Yet there is a dark side to this picture:despite our progress,half of the world’s population still suffers,with water services inferior to those available to the ancient Greeks and Romans.As the United Nations report on access to water reiterated in November 2001,more than one billion people lack access to clean drinking water some two and a half billion do not have adequate sanitation services.Preventable water-related diseases kill an estimated 10,000 to 20,000 children every day,and the latest evidence suggests that we are falling behind in efforts to solve these problems.

然而，事实也有阴暗的一面：尽管我们取得了进步，但世界上一半的人口仍在遭受苦难，其供水服务不及古希腊人和罗马人。正如2001年11月联合国用水报告所重申的那样，超过10亿人无法获得清洁的饮用水，约有25亿人没有适当的卫生服务。可预防的与水有关的疾病估计每天导致10,000至20,000名儿童丧生。而最新证据表明，我们在解决这些问题所做的努力方面远远不够。

段落D

The consequences of our water policies extend beyond jeopardising human health.Tens of millions of people have been forced to move from their homes–often with little warning or compensation–to make way for the reservoirs behind dams.More than 20%of all freshwater fish species are now threatened or endangered because dams and water withdrawals have destroyed the free-flowing river ecosystems where they thrive.Certain irrigation practices degrade soil quality and reduce agricultural productivity.Groundwater aquifers*are being pumped down faster than they are naturally replenished in parts of India,China,the USA and elsewhere.And disputes over shared water resources have led to violence and continue to raise local,national and even international tensions.

我们水资源政策的后果不仅仅危害人类健康。数以千万计的人被迫离开家园-往往没有任何警告或补偿-为水坝后面的水库腾出地方。由于水坝和取水破坏了自由流动的河流生态系统，超过20%的淡水鱼受到威胁或濒临灭绝。某些灌溉操作会降低土壤质量并降低农业生产力。在印度，中国，美国和其他地区，地下水的下降速度比自然补给的速度快。关于共享水资源的争端导致冲突，并继续加剧当地，国家乃至国际的紧张局势。

段落E

At the outset of the new millennium,however,the way resource planners think about water is beginning to change.The focus is slowly shifting back to the provision of basic human and environmental needs as top priority–ensuring‘some for all,’instead of‘more for some’.Some water experts are now demanding that existing infrastructure be used in smarter ways rather than building new facilities,which is increasingly considered the option of last,not first,resort.This shift in philosophy has not been universally accepted,and it comes with strong opposition from some established water organisations.Nevertheless,it may be the only way to address successfully the pressing problems of providing everyone with clean water to drink,adequate water to grow food and a life free from preventable water-related illness.

然而，在新千年开始之际，资源规划者关于水的想法正在发生改变。重点逐渐转移到将满足基本的人类和环境需求作为头等大事-确保“全民所有”，而不是“一些人更多”。现在，一些水务专家要求以更智能的方式使用现有基础设施，而不是建造新设施。新设施越来越被认为是最后的选择，而不是第 一选择。这种哲学上的转变尚未得到普遍接受，并且受到一些知名水务组织的强烈反对。然而，这可能是成功解决紧迫问题的方法，以便为每个人提供清洁的饮用水，充足的水来种植食物以及远离可预防的水资源相关疾病的生活。

段落F

Fortunately–and unexpectedly–the demand for water is not rising as rapidly as some predicted.As a result,the pressure to build new water infrastructures has diminished over the past two decades.Although population,industrial output and economic productivity have continued to soar in developed nations,the rate at which people withdraw water from aquifers,rivers and lakes has slowed.And in a few parts of the world,demand has actually fallen.

幸运并且出乎意料的是，对水的需求并未像某些人预测的那样迅速增长。结果在过去的二十年中，对建设新的水力基础设施的压力有所消失。尽管发达国家的人口，工业产出和经济生产效率继续飞速增长，但人们从蓄水层，河流和湖泊中取水的速度却有所放缓。在世界某系地区，需求实际上已经下降了。

段落G

What explains this remarkable turn of events?Two factors:people have figured out how to use water more efficiently,and communities are rethinking their priorities for water use.Throughout the first three-quarters of the 20th century,the quantity of freshwater consumed per person doubled on average;in the USA,water withdrawals increased tenfold while the population quadrupled.But since 1980,the amount of water consumed per person has actually decreased,thanks to a range of new technologies that help to conserve water in homes and industry.In 1965,for instance,Japan used approximately 13 million gallons*of water to produce$1 million of commercial output;by 1989 this had dropped to 3.5 million gallons(even accounting for inflation)–almost a quadrupling of water productivity.In the USA,water withdrawals have fallen by more than 20%from their peak in 1980.

两个因素可以解释这种非同寻常的事件变化：人们已经弄清楚如何更有效率地利用水，而社区也在重新考虑其用水的优先级。在20世纪的前四分之三，人均淡水消耗量平均增加了一倍。在美国，取水量增加了十倍，而人口增加了四倍。但是自1980年以来，由于一系列有助于节省家庭和工业用水的新技术，人均用水量实际上有所减少。例如，在1965年，日本使用大约1300万加仑的水来换取100万美元的商业产出。到了1989年，该数字下降到350万加仑(甚至计入通货膨胀)-水的生产效率几乎提升了四倍。在美国，取水量比1980年的峰值下降了20%以上。

段落H

On the other hand,dams,aqueducts and other kinds of infrastructure will still have to be built,particularly in developing countries where basic human needs have not been met.But such projects must be built to higher specifications and with more accountability to local people and their environment than in the past.And even in regions where new projects seem warranted,we must find ways to meet demands with fewer resources,respecting ecological criteria and to a smaller budget.

另一方面，仍然必须建造水坝，水渠和其他各类基础设施，特别是在发展中国家。那里人们的基本需求还没有得到满足。但是，与过去相比，此类项目必须按照更高的规格进行建设，并对当地人民及其环境承担更多责任。即使在似乎有必要进行新项目的地区，我们也必须找到相应的方法，以更少的资源满足需求，尊重生态标准，并降低预算。

剑桥雅思7Test1阅读Passage1原文翻译Let’s go bats走进蝙蝠

剑桥雅思7阅读第 一套题目第 一篇文章的的主题为走进蝙蝠。文章分为5段，分别介绍了蝙蝠在晚上捕猎的能力，蝙蝠以及其他夜行动物，蝙蝠在黑暗中行动的原理，面感视觉，以及与蝙蝠相关的雷达和声呐。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思7 Test 1 Passage 1阅读原文翻译

自然段A

Bats have a problem:how to find their way around in the dark.They hunt at night,and cannot use light to help them find prey and avoid obstacles.You might say that this is a problem of their own making,one that they could avoid simply by changing their habits and hunting by day.But the daytime economy is already heavily exploited by other creatures such as birds.Given that there is a living to be made at night,and given that alternative daytime trades are thoroughly occupied,natural selection has favoured bats that make a go of the night-hunting trade.It is probable that the nocturnal trades go way back in the ancestry of all mammals.In the time when the dinosaurs dominated the daytime economy,our mammalian ancestors probably only managed to survive at all because they found ways of scraping a living at night.Only after the mysterious mass extinction of the dinosaurs about 65 million years ago were our ancestors able to emerge into the daylight in any substantial numbers.

蝙蝠有一个问题：如何在黑暗中找到自己的出路。他们在夜间狩猎，无法利用光来帮助他们寻找猎物并避开障碍物。你可能会说这是他们自己造成的问题，他们可以简单地通过改变习惯和白天捕猎来避免。但是白天的资源已经被鸟类等其他生物大量利用。鉴于夜间仍有生计，而白天的替代性食物资源已被完全占领，因此自然选择偏爱那些从事夜间狩猎的蝙蝠。夜行性活动很可能可以追溯到所有哺乳动物的祖先。在恐龙主导白天经济的时候，我们哺乳动物的祖先可能就是因为找到了在夜间谋生的方法，才勉强存活下来。仅在大约6500万年前恐龙神秘灭绝之后，我们的祖先才能够在白天大量出现。

自然段B

Bats have an engineering problem:how to find their way and find their prey in the absence of light.Bats are not the only creatures to face this difficulty today.Obviously the night-flying insects that they prey on must find their way about somehow.Deep-sea fish and whales have little or no light by day or by night.Fish and dolphins that live in extremely muddy water cannot see because,although there is light,it is obstructed and scattered by the dirt in the water.Plenty of other modern animals make their living in conditions where seeing is difficult or impossible.

蝙蝠有一个实践上的问题：如何在没有光照的情况下找到自己的路径并找到猎物。蝙蝠并不是今天面临这一困难的唯 一生物。显然，它们捕食的在夜间飞行的昆虫也必须找到某种方式。无论白天还是晚上，深海鱼类和鲸鱼几乎都没有光照。生活在极其泥泞的水中的鱼和海豚也看不见。因为尽管光线充足，但它被水中的污物阻挡和分散。还有许多其他现代动物生活在视线受阻或完全看不见的环境中。

自然段C

Given the questions of how to manoeuvre in the dark,what solutions might an engineer consider?The first one that might occur to him is to manufacture light,to use a lantern or a searchlight.Fireflies and some fish(usually with the help of bacteria)have the power to manufacture their own light,but the process seems to consume a large amount of energy.Fireflies use their light for attracting mates.This doesn’t require a prohibitive amount of energy:a male’s tiny pinprick of light can be seen by a female from some distance on a dark night,since her eyes are exposed directly to the light source itself.However,using light to find one’s own way around requires vastly more energy,since the eyes have to detect the tiny fraction of the light that bounces off each part of the scene.The light source must therefore be immensely brighter if it is to be used as a headlight to illuminate the path,than if it is to be used as a signal to others.In any event,whether or not the reason is the energy expense,it seems to be the case that,with the possible exception of some weird deep-sea fish,no animal apart from man uses manufactured light to find its way about.

面对如何在黑暗中进行机动的问题，工程师会考虑哪些解决方案?他想到的第 一个方法可能是使用灯笼或者探照灯来制造光。萤火虫和一些鱼(通常在细菌的帮助下)具有制造自己的光的能力，但该过程似乎消耗大量能量。萤火虫用它们的灯光吸引伴侣。这不需要消耗过多的能量：在漆黑的夜晚，雌性可以相隔一定距离看到雄性微弱的光亮，因为她的眼睛直接暴露在光源本身下。但是，使用光来寻找自己的路径需要更多的能量，因为眼睛必须检测从场景各个部分反射回来的微弱的光线。因此，如果将光源用作前照灯来照亮路径，则它必须比用作信号时更亮才行。无论如何，无论原因是不是能源消耗，似乎除了一些奇怪的深海鱼，人类以外的任何动物都不会利用人造光来寻找路径。

自然段D

What else might the engineer think of?well,blind humans sometimes seem to have an uncanny sense of obstacles in their path.It has been given the name‘facial vision’,because blind people have reported that it feels a bit like the sense of touch,on the face.One report tells of a totally blind boy who could ride his tricycle at good speed round the block near his home,using facial vision.Experiments showed that,in fact,facial vision is nothing to do with touch or the front of the face,although the sensation may be referred to the front of the face,like the referred pain in a phantom limb.The sensation of facial vision,it turns out,really goes in through the ears.Blind people,without even being aware of the fact,are actually using echoes of their own footsteps and of other sounds,to sense the presence of obstacles.Before this was discovered,engineers had already built instruments to exploit the principle,for example to measure the depth of the sea under a ship.After this technique had been invented,it was only a matter of time before weapons designers adapted it for the detection of submarines.Both sides in the Second world war relied heavily on these devices,under such codenames as Asdic(British)and Sonar(American),as well as Radar(American)or RDF(British),which uses radio echoes rather than sound echoes.

工程师还会想到什么?好吧，盲人有时似乎在前进的道路上有种不可思议的障碍感。它之所以被称为“面部视觉”，是因为盲人报告说它有点像脸部的触摸感。一份报告讲述了一个完全失明的男孩，他可以利用面部视觉骑三轮车告诉绕过他家附近的街区。实验表明，实际上，面部视觉与触摸或脸前无关，尽管感觉可能来自脸的前面，就像幻肢中提到的疼痛一样。事实证明，面部视觉其实是通过耳朵感受到的。盲人甚至没有意识到这一事实。他们实际上是在利用自己脚步声和其他声音的回声来感知障碍物的存在。在发现这一点之前，工程师已经制造了利用该原理的仪器，例如，测量船下海的深度。在发明了这项技术之后，武器设计者将其改装用于探测潜艇只是一个时间问题。第二次世界大战中双方都严重依赖这些设备，其代号为Asdic(英国)和Sonar(美国)，以及Radar(美国)或RDF(英国)。它们使用无线电回声而不是声音回声。

自然段E

The Sonar and Radar pioneers didn’t know it then,but all the world now knows that bats,or rather natural selection working on bats,had perfected the system tens of millions of years earlier,and their‘radar’achieves feats of detection and navigation that would strike an engineer dumb with admiration.It is technically incorrect to talk about bat‘radar’,since they do not use radio waves.It is sonar.But the underlying mathematical theories of radar and sonar are very similar,and much of our scientific understanding of the details of what bats are doing has come from applying radar theory to them.The American zoologist Donald Griffin,who was largely responsible for the discovery of sonar in bats,coined the term‘echolocation’to cover both sonar and radar,whether used by animals or by human instruments.

声纳和雷达的先驱者当时还不知道，但是现在全世界都知道蝙蝠，或者说是自然选择的蝙蝠，已经在几千万年前完善了该系统。他们的“雷达”所实现的探测壮举和导航工作令工程师钦佩。谈论蝙蝠“雷达”在技术上是不正确的，因为它们不使用无线电波，而使用声波。但是雷达和声纳的基础数学理论非常相似，我们对蝙蝠行为细节的科学理解主要来自将雷达理论应用于它们。发现蝙蝠声纳的美国动物学家唐纳德·格里芬(Donald Griffin)创造了“回声定位”一词，以涵盖动物或人类使用的声纳和雷达。

剑桥雅思6Test4阅读Passage3原文翻译persistent bullying校园欺凌/霸凌

剑桥雅思6阅读第四套题目第三篇文章的主题为校园欺凌(霸凌)现象。文章氛围7段，分别讲述了目前英国学校内存在的霸凌现象，霸凌行为对孩子的影响，学校对该现象的反应，防止霸凌现象的各种方法，以及对未来的预测。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思6 Test 4 Passage 3阅读原文翻译

前言

Persistent bullying is one of the worst experiences a child can face.How can it be prevented?Peter Smith,Professor of Psychology at the University of Sheffield,directed the Sheffield Anti-Bullying Intervention Project,funded by the Department for Education.Here he reports on his findings.

持续的欺凌是孩子可能面对的最糟糕的经历之一。如何预防?谢菲尔德大学心理学教授，彼得·史密斯，开展了一项由教育部资助的谢菲尔德反欺凌干预项目。以下是他的发现。

A部分

Bullying can take a variety of forms,from the verbal–being taunted or called hurtful names–to the physical–being kicked or shoved–as well as indirect forms,such as being excluded from social groups.A survey I conducted with Irene Whitney found that in British primary schools up to a quarter of pupils reported experience of bullying,which in about one in ten cases was persistent.There was less bullying in secondary schools,with about one in twenty-five suffering persistent bullying,but these cases may be particularly recalcitrant.

欺凌可采取多种形式，从口头上(被嘲笑或冠以侮辱性的名字)到身体上(被踢或推)，还有各种各样的间接形式，如被排除在社会群体之外。我与艾琳·惠特尼(Irene Whitney)进行的一项调查发现，在英国小学，有四分之一的学生报告遭受欺凌的经历，其中十分之一的案例是持续了很久。中学中的欺凌现象较少，约有二十五分之一的学生遭受持续性欺凌，但这些案例可能尤其令人难以接受。

B部分

Bullying is clearly unpleasant,and can make the child experiencing it feel unworthy and depressed.In extreme cases it can even lead to suicide,though this is thankfully rare.Victimised pupils are more likely to experience difficulties with interpersonal relationships as adults,while children who persistently bully are more likely to grow up to be physically violent,and convicted of anti-social offences.

欺凌显然是令人不快的，并且会使经历它的孩子感到格格不入和沮丧。极端情况下，它甚至可能导致自杀。尽管幸运的是这种情况很少见。受害的学长大之后更容易遭遇人际关系困难，而持续被欺负的孩子长大后则更有可能变得十分暴力，并被判犯有反社会罪。

C部分

Until recently,not much was known about the topic,and little help was available to teachers to deal with bullying.Perhaps as a consequence,schools would often deny the problem.‘There is no bullying at this school’has been a common refrain,almost certainly untrue.Fortunately more schools are now saying:‘There is not much bullying here,but when it occurs we have a clear policy for dealing with it.’

直到最近，人们对这个话题都知之甚少，而且教师在应对欺凌方面几乎得不到帮助。或许正是因为如此，学校经常会否认这个问题的存在。“这所学校没有欺凌行为”是一种普遍的说法。但这几乎可以肯定是假的。幸运的是，现在有更多的学校在说：“这里没有太多欺凌行为，但是一旦发生，我们就有明确的政策予以处理。‘

D部分

Three factors are involved in this change.First is an awareness of the severity of the problem.Second,a number of resources to help tackle bullying have become available in Britain.For example,the Scottish Council for Research in Education produced a package of materials,Action Against Bullying,circulated to all schools in England and Wales as well as in Scotland in summer 1992,with a second pack,Supporting Schools Against Bullying,produced the following year.In Ireland,Guidelines on Countering Bullying Behaviour in Post-Primary Schools was published in 1993.Third,there is evidence that these materials work,and that schools can achieve something.This comes from carefully conducted‘before and after’evaluations of interventions in schools,monitored by a research team.In Norway,after an intervention campaign was introduced nationally,an evaluation of forty-two schools suggested that,over a two-year period,bullying was halved.The Sheffield investigation,which involved sixteen primary schools and seven secondary schools,found that most schools succeeded in reducing bullying.

这种变化涉及到三个因素。第 一是意识到问题的严重性。第二是英国已经有许多资源可以帮助解决欺凌行为。例如，苏格兰教育研究理事会制作了一揽子的材料-《反欺凌行动》，并于1992年夏季分发给英格兰和威尔士以及苏格兰的所有学校，第二项资料-《支持反欺凌学校》在随后一年发行。1993年，爱尔兰发布了《打击小学后欺凌行为的指南》。第三，有证据表明这些材料行之有效，并且学校可以实现某种改变。这来自于在研究团队监督下对学校干预措施进行前后的评估。在挪威全国范围内开展了干预运动之后，对四十二所学校的评估表明，在两年的时间内，欺凌现象减半了。谢菲尔德的调查涉及16所小学，7所中学，发现大部分学校都成功地减少了欺凌现象。

E部分

第1段

Evidence suggests that a key step is to develop a policy on bullying,saying clearly what is meant by bullying,and giving explicit guidelines on what will be done if it occurs,what records will be kept,who will be informed,what sanctions will be employed.The policy should be developed through consultation,over a period of time–not just imposed from the head teacher’s office!Pupils,parents and staff should feel they have been involved in the policy,which needs to be disseminated and implemented effectively.

证据表明，关键步骤是制定有关欺凌的政策，清晰说出欺凌的含义，并给出明确的指导方针，说明发生欺凌行为时将如何处理，保留哪些记录，将通知谁，将采取何种制裁措施。该政策应在一段时间内通过协商制定，而不仅仅是由校方单独施加!学生，父母和工作人员应感到自己已经参与到政策之中，需要对其进行有效的传播和实施。

第2段

Other actions can be taken to back up the policy.There are ways of dealing with the topic through the curriculum,using video,drama and literature.These are useful for raising awareness,and can best be tied in to early phases of development,while the school is starting to discuss the issue of bullying.They are also useful in renewing the policy for new pupils,or revising it in the light of experience.But curriculum work alone may only have short-term effects;it should be an addition to policy work,not a substitute.

可以采取其他措施来支持该政策。可以通过视频，戏剧和文学等方式通过课程处理这一问题。这些在学校开始讨论欺凌问题时对于提高认识很有用，并且最好与事态发展的早期阶段联系在一起。它们对于更新新生政策或根据经验进行修订也很有用。但是仅仅课程自身可能只会产生短期效果。它应该是政策工作的补充，而不是替代品。

第3段

There are also ways of working with individual pupils,or in small groups.Assertiveness training for pupils who are liable to be victims is worthwhile,and certain approaches to group bullying such as‘no blame’,can be useful in changing the behaviour of bullying pupils without confronting them directly,although other sanctions may be needed for those who continue with persistent bullying.

也可以与个别学生或者小组一起努力。对容易成为受害者的学生进行自信训练十分重要，并且诸如“不责怪”之类的方法对于在不直接对抗的情况下改变欺凌者的行为十分有用，尽管对于那些继续进行欺凌行为的人应该采取相应制裁。

第4段

Work in the playground is important,too.One helpful step is to train lunchtime supervisors to distinguish bullying from playful fighting and help them break up conflicts.Another possibility is to improve the playground environment,so that pupils are less likely to be led into bullying from boredom or frustration.

操场上的工作也很重要。一项有用的措施是培训午餐时间管理员，以区分欺凌和玩耍性质的打闹，并帮助他们解决冲突。另一种可行性措施是改善操场的环境，以使学生不太可能因无聊或沮丧而欺负他人。

F部分

With these developments,schools can expect that at least the most serious kinds of bullying can largely be prevented.The more effort put in and the wider the whole school involvement,the more substantial the results are likely to be.The reduction in bullying–and the consequent improvement in pupil happiness–is surely a worthwhile objective.

随着这些发展，学校至少可以期望在很大程度上防止最严重的欺凌行为。投入的精力越多，整个学校的参与范围越广，结果可能会越有意义。欺凌行为的减少以及随之而来的学生幸福感的提高无疑是一个值得追求的目标。

剑桥雅思6Test4阅读Passage2原文翻译Do literate women make better mothers受过教育的妇女会成为更好的母亲吗

剑桥雅思6阅读第四套题目第二篇文章探讨了妇女教育与婴儿死亡率之间的关系。文章分为十段，大体可以分为以下几部分：提出问题-受过教育的父母子女成活率更大的原因，尼加拉瓜政府的扫盲运动。扫盲运动的结果，成功经验的总结，对其他国家和地区的启发意义等。下面是具体每一段的翻译。

剑桥雅思6 Test 4 Passage 2阅读原文翻译

第1自然段

Children in developing countries are healthier and more likely to survive past the age of five when their mothers can read and write.Experts in public health accepted this idea decades ago,but until now no one has been able to show that a woman’s ability to read in itself improves her children’s chances of survival.

当其母亲能够阅读和写作时，发展中国家的儿童会更加健康，有更大可能活过5岁。几十年前，公共卫生领域的专家就已经接受这个想法。但是直到现在，还没有人能够证明一名女性的阅读能力可以提高孩子的生存机会。

第2自然段

Most literate women learnt to read in primary school,and the fact that a woman has had an education may simply indicate her family’s wealth or that it values its children more highly.Now a long-term study carried out in Nicaragua has eliminated these factors by showing that teaching reading to poor adult women,who would otherwise have remained illiterate,has a direct effect on their children’s health and survival.

大多数有识字能力的妇女在小学阶段就学会了阅读，而妇女受过教育的事实可能只是表明她的家庭比较富裕，或者表明它更加重视子女。现在，在尼加拉瓜开展的一项长期研究排除了这些因素。它表明教授贫穷的成年女性阅读(否则的话她们会仍然处于文盲状态)对其孩子的健康和成活率有直接影响。

第3自然段

In 1979,the government of Nicaragua established a number of social programmes,including a National Literacy Crusade.By 1985,about 300,000 illiterate adults from all over the country,many of whom had never attended primary school,had learnt how to read,write and use numbers.

1979年，尼加拉瓜政府开启了许多社会计划，其中就有“全国扫盲运动”。到1985年，约30万来自全国各地的文盲成年人(其中许多人从未上过小学)已经学会了如何阅读，书写和使用数字。

第4自然段

During this period,researchers from the Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine,the Central American Institute of Health in Nicaragua,the National Autonomous University of Nicaragua and the Costa Rican Institute of Health interviewed nearly 3,000 women,some of whom had learnt to read as children,some during the literacy crusade and some who had never learnt at all.The women were asked how many children they had given birth to and how many of them had died in infancy.The research teams also examined the surviving children to find out how well-nourished they were.

在此期间，利物浦热带医学院，尼加拉瓜中美洲卫生研究院，尼加拉瓜国立自治大学和哥斯达黎加卫生研究院的研究人员采访了近3,000名妇女。其中一些人在还是孩子的时候就学会了阅读，有些在扫盲运动中学会了阅读，而有些根本没学过。这些妇女被问到他们生育了多少个孩子，以及其中有多少个在婴儿阶段就已经死亡。研究小组还检查了幸存的孩子，以了解他们的营养状况

第5自然段

The investigators’findings were striking.In the late 1970s,the infant mortality rate for the children of illiterate mothers was around 110 deaths per thousand live births.At this point in their lives,those mothers who later went on to learn to read had a similar level of child mortality(105/1000).For women educated in primary school,however,the infant mortality rate was significantly lower,at 80 per thousand.

研究人员的发现令人震惊。20世纪70年代后期，文盲母亲的孩子在婴儿阶段的死亡率约为千分之110。在这一时间点上，后来学习阅读的母亲拥有相似的儿童死亡率(105/1000)。但是，对于在小学阶段受过教育的妇女来说，婴儿死亡率要低得多，为每千人80。

第6自然段

In 1985,after the National Literacy Crusade had ended,the infant mortality figures for those who remained illiterate and for those educated in primary school remained more or less unchanged.For those women who learnt to read through the campaign,the infant mortality rate was 84 per thousand,an impressive 21 points lower than for those women who were still illiterate.The children of the newly-literate mothers were also better nourished than those of women who could not read.

1985年，全国扫盲运动结束后，文盲女性和在小学阶段接受过教育的女性的婴儿死亡率基本保持不变。对于那些在运动中学会阅读的妇女而言，婴儿死亡率为每千人84例，比那些仍然不识字的妇女低21个点。与那些不识字的妇女相比，新识字的母亲的孩子也得到更好的营养。

第7自然段

Why are the children of literate mothers better off?According to Peter Sandiford of the Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine,no one knows for certain.Child health was not on the curriculum during the women’s lessons,so he and his colleagues are looking at other factors.They are working with the same group of 3,000 women,to try to find out whether reading mothers make better use of hospitals and clinics,opt for smaller families,exert more control at home,learn modern childcare techniques more quickly,or whether they merely have more respect for themselves and their children.

为什么识字母亲的孩子会过得更好?利物浦热带医学院的彼得·桑迪福德说，没人知道确切的原因。儿童健康并未列入妇女课程的课程表，因此他和他的同事正在研究其他因素。他们继续跟踪同一组的3000名妇女，试图找出读书母亲是否更好地利用医院和诊所，选择较小的家庭，在家中拥有更大的发言权，更快地学习现代育儿技术，或者是否仅仅是更尊重自己和孩子。

第8自然段

The Nicaraguan study may have important implications for governments and aid agencies that need to know where to direct their resources.Sandiford says that there is increasing evidence that female education,at any age,is‘an important health intervention in its own right’.The results of the study lend support to the World Bank’s recommendation that education budgets in developing countries should be increased,not just to help their economies,but also to improve child health.

尼加拉瓜的研究可能对那些需要知道应该将资源分配到何处的政府和援助机构产生重要影响。桑迪福德说，越来越多的证据表明，任何年龄的女性教育都是“一项重要的健康干预措施”。研究结果为世界银行关于增加发展中国家教育预算的建议提供了支持。这不仅是为了帮助其经济发展，而且是为了改善儿童健康。

第9自然段

‘We’ve known for a long time that maternal education is important,’says John Cleland of the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine.‘But we thought that even if we started educating girls today,we’d have to wait a generation for the pay-off.The Nicaraguan study suggests we may be able to bypass that.’

伦敦卫生与热带医学院的约翰·克莱兰德说：“很久以来，我们就知道产妇教育很重要。但是我们认为，即使我们现在开始对女孩进行教育，我们也必须等待一代人才能获得回报。尼加拉瓜的研究表明，我们也许可以绕开它。”

第10自然段

Cleland warns that the Nicaraguan crusade was special in many ways,and similar campaigns elsewhere might not work as well.It is notoriously difficult to teach adults skills that do not have an immediate impact on their everyday lives,and many literacy campaigns in other countries have been much less successful.‘The crusade was part of a larger effort to bring a better life to the people,’says Cleland.Replicating these conditions in other countries will be a major challenge for development workers.

克莱兰德警告说，尼加拉瓜的扫盲运动在许多方面都很特殊，在其他地方进行类似的活动可能行不通。众所周知，向成年人传授对他们的日常生活没有直接影响的技能非常困难。而在其他国家，许多扫盲运动并没有那么成功。克莱兰德说：“扫盲运动是为给人民带来更好生活的更大努力的一部分。”在其他国家复制这些条件将是发展工作者面临的主要挑战。